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Zhang Xuezhong's open letter on China's Constitution

Updated: May 13, 2020


Chinese scholar calls for political reform, criticising ‘tight control’ over Covid-19. A day later, police come for him


Source: SCMP 11 May 2020


  • Widely shared open letter posted on WeChat urges legislature to draft a new constitution, release political prisoners and remove Communist Party’s status

  • Three police cars arrive at his house the following day, friend says


A constitutional scholar has been taken away by China’s authorities after writing an open letter to representatives of the country’s legislature, criticising the government’s handling of the coronavirus outbreak and calling for freedom of speech.


Zhang Xuezhong was removed from his Shanghai home on Sunday night, according to multiple sources. His letter (see below), posted on WeChat on Saturday and addressed to deputies of the National People’s Congress (NPC), was widely circulated online as China prepares to convene its most important parliamentary sessions in less than two weeks’ time.


“He was taken away on Sunday night. Three police cars came to his house,” said Wen Kejian, an independent political analyst and a close friend of Zhang.


Another of Zhang’s friends, who requested anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter, also confirmed that Zhang had been taken. He said: “He is mentally prepared after his open letter.”


In his WeChat post, Zhang, 43, wrote alongside his attached letter: “The best way to fight for freedom of expression is for everyone to speak as if we already have freedom of speech.”

Multiple calls to Zhang’s mobile phone and messages to his WeChat account by the South China Morning Post went unanswered. Calls to the Shanghai municipal police bureau were also unanswered. In his strongly worded letter, Zhang – a regular contributor to overseas newspapers and a well-known critic of China’s political and legal system – said that in the absence of a modern constitution, China’s governance was very backward, and “the outbreak and spread of the Covid-19 epidemic is a good illustration of the problem”.


Since first being reported in Wuhan, central China, in late December, the coronavirus has infected over 4.1 million people globally, killing more than 282,000.


There were calls for freedom of speech in February, triggered partly by the death of Dr Li Wenliang, who had alerted colleagues in December about a pneumonia-like illness in Wuhan, only to be one of eight people reprimanded by police for “spreading rumours”. Li, who was required to sign a document vowing he would “keep in line in thought and action” with the Communist Party, later died from Covid-19, the disease caused by the coronavirus.


Zhang said in his letter: “Twenty-two days before the [lockdown to contain the outbreak] in the city, Wuhan was still investigating and punishing citizens who had disclosed the epidemic, including Dr Li Wenliang … showing how tight and arbitrary the government’s suppression of society is.”


The letter said the Chinese political system had resulted in a lack of transparency and scrutiny. China has dismissed claims that it mishandled the outbreak, against accusations led by the United States that it had withheld information and allowed the outbreak to escalate into a global pandemic. Beijing has strongly denied a claim – referenced repeatedly by US President Donald Trump – that the outbreak’s origin was linked to a virus research lab in Wuhan.


“Since January 3, 2020, the [Chinese] foreign ministry had been regularly notifying the US government about the epidemic, but the disease control department was not notifying the people of [China] at the same time. Such an irresponsible attitude towards their people’s safety is rare,” Zhang wrote.


“There were few independent professional media to investigate and report on the outbreak, nor did medical professionals provide independent advice to the public … It only shows that the government’s long-term tight control of society and people has almost completely destroyed the organisation and self-help capabilities of Chinese society.”


Zhang called on NPC deputies to turn the legislature into a “transitional authority” to create a broadly representative committee empowered to draft a constitution conforming to “modern political principles”.


He also urged the NPC to make resolutions to immediately release all political prisoners, end bans on political parties and non-state media, and enshrine that no political party should enjoy the status of a national public service institution.


Zhang, who teaches an online constitutional class, was removed from his teaching post at East China University of Political Science and Law in 2013 because of his critical commentary on China’s constitution, and was expelled from the faculty four months later. The university accused him of “forcibly spreading his political views to the school staff and teachers, and also using his position to spread his political views among students”.


A defence lawyer for Chinese activists including human rights lawyer Guo Feixiong and civil rights activist Liu Ping, Zhang was stripped of his lawyer’s licence last year after the authorities said he was no longer employed by his law firm.


[Please scroll down for text of LETTER IN ENGLISH]


ORIGINAL LETTER AND CONSTITUTION DRAFT AS POSTED ON 9/5/2020 WECHAT IN CHINESE WITH GOOGLE ENGLISH TRANSLATION BELOW:


尽早启动国民制宪程序,努力实现政治和平转型 ——致即将出席十三届全国人大三次会议的全体代表

尊敬的各位代表:

你们好,

我叫张雪忠,是一位居住在上海的普通中国公民。当你们于2020年5月22日出席十三届全国人大三次会议时,此次新冠疫情可能还不会结束,我希望你们能采取必要的防护措施,并祝愿你们平安健康,就像我祝福所有在疫情期间需要外出工作或学习的人一样。

虽然我不认识你们,但知道你们中的很多人,都在各自的工作中取得了杰出的成绩,所以我非常敬佩你们。不过,对你们个人业绩的敬佩,并不等于我承认你们作为中国人民之代表的正当性。基于以下两点主要的理由,我不认为你们是中国人民的正当代表,也不认为全国人民代表大会是一个正当的代议机构:

第一,你们并不是中国人民自由选举产生的代表(代议者)。现代政治代议制是以国民主权原则为基础的。虽然组成全国性代议机构的代表们在行使职权时,也就是在进行审议和决策时,应该具有一定的相对于选民的独立性,但他们的代议职权必须是源于国民的授予和委托,因此必须经由定期的、自由的和有竞争的选举而产生。但你们的代表身份,并不是经过公正的选举而获得的。实际上,我们的国家还不存在这样的选举。

另外,真正的代议机构在制定公共决策时,必须经过必要的辩论程序。这不但有助于明了相关立法和政策的利弊得失,从而提高公共决策的水准,而且还可保障国民对决策过程和内容的知情权。但这么多年来,人们从来没有看到你们就政策问题进行过辩论,你们在开会时的表现,更像是一台台只知道举手的机器,而不是严肃尽职的代议者。

第二,现行“宪法”是全国人大产生和行使职权的依据,但它本身却根本不是一部真正的宪法。现代宪法是落实国民主权的法律文件。一方面,国民主权意味着全体国民是一国之内最高政治权力的享有者,另一方面,数量众多且分散居住的国民,事实上又不可能亲自和直接进行国家治理,因而需要创设代议制政府和选任政府官员来进行日常的治理工作。正是这种主权与治权相分离的状态,使得宪法成为一种必要之物:全体国民制定一部成文的宪法,用来创设、限制、规范和约束政府机构及其权力,然后再依照宪法规定的程序来选任、监督和控制政府官员。

宪法应是全体国民政治意志的产物,是国民政治意志的书面化和固定化。当作为主权者的全体国民无法直接在场时,它代替全体国民君临和梭巡于共同体的政治领域,以其至高无上的法律权威,俯视、督导和警示着一切公共机构和公务人员,以促使后者须臾不可忘却自身的职责,不可滥用手中的权力。

既然宪法应该体现全体国民的政治意志,它的制定和修改就必须包含国民参与的环节,并且是决定性的和权威性的环节。这种参与可以是直接的,比如,以全民公投来决定一部宪法草案或一项宪法修正案能否生效;也可以是间接的,比如,由全体国民出于制定或修改宪法之目的,选出一个特别的制宪会议,并授权后者直接制定或修改宪法。这里的关键是,不能由宪法所创设的政府机构(包括立法机构),成为制定或修改宪法的权威机构。也就是说,制定宪法的权力(制宪权)和宪法创设的权力(宪定权)必须要有所区隔,否则,宪法就无法起到限制、规范和约束政府权力(宪定权)的作用。

但是,我国现行“宪法”的制定,并未包含国民参与的程序。最初制定它的全国人民代表大会,并不是由全体国民自由选举产生的,因而并不是一个可以贯彻全体国民政治意志的正当的代表机构。而且,全国人大也不是一个特别的制宪机构,而是依照宪法规定产生和行使权力的宪定机构,由此便出现了一个荒诞的恶性循环:一方面,全国人大是一个日常的、普通的立法机构(政府分支机构之一),它的产生和运行必须受到宪法的规范;另一方面,它又是宪法的创制者,可以自行制定和修改宪法。这样一来,全国人大既是由宪法创造的,又是创造宪法的,就好比一个人同时是另一个人的父亲和儿子!况且,宪法本来是全体国民用来约束在一切政府机构(包括立法机构)的,但如果普通的立法机构可以自行制定和修改宪法,这样的约束作用就完全丧失了。

另外,现行“宪法”一方面规定“一切权力属于人民”,另一方面又规定了单个政党的永久领导地位,这也是自相矛盾的:如果一切权力属于人民,人民就没有义务必须接受某个政党的领导;而如果人民必须接受某个政党的领导,就谈不上一切权力属于人民。在一切权力之上的领导权,就像是一块比最大的石头还大的石头,简直是一种十足的荒谬。

如果不考虑英国克伦威尔统治时期的《政府协约》和美国各州宪法的话,美国联邦宪法是人类历史上第一部正式的现代成文宪法。随着这部宪法的成功实施,越来越多的人开始认识到宪法限制政府权力和保障公民权利的作用,不少国家也开始效仿美国的做法,基于类似的政治原则制定本国的宪法,确立本国的宪政体制。

在这一过程中,“宪法”逐渐成为一个极富正面意味的用语,连那些完全不认同现代政治原则(这些政治原则与现代宪法概念是不可分离的)的政权,也开始炮制被称为“宪法”的文件。首先这样做的是一些专制君主国(比如十九世纪的普鲁士):君主以最高主权者的身份,将一部体现君主意志的“宪法”恩赐给国民。后来,一些由单个政党垄断全部政治权力的国家也这样做(比如以前的苏联和现在的朝鲜):执政党将一部体现本党意志的“宪法”强加于国民,并在“宪法”中规定自身的永久执政地位。这些东西在专业的宪法学上被称为“伪宪法”,因为它们只是将与现代宪法格格不入的专制政体,用“宪法”这一用语掩饰一下而已。

不幸的是,我们国家的现行“宪法”就是一部伪宪法。宪法应是不直接进行治理的全体国民政治意志的体现,而不是某个君主或某个政党意志的体现。宪法的基本功能之一,就是保障国家政权的持续生产和更替,就是为日常的政治竞争和政策形成,提供明确而稳定的原则和制度框架,从而使得和平的国内政治竞争成为可能,并实现共同体政治生活的文明化。

宪法是对政治活动进行法律化的一种手段。它的作用不是消除政治活动,而是要规范政治活动,并使各种政治分歧和争议,可以在各方都认可的原则和框架下得到解决或处理,由此便可实行基于说理的治理(government by discussion)。在宪法框架下,人们不再将武力作为夺取政权的手段,失败的一方不但不会被消灭,而且还有在未来赢回来的机会。宪法为政治争端的解决所提供的原则和框架,使得各种信念和利益的追求者,都能从中体会到某种共同感和归属感,因此有助于维系政治共同体的统一性,并不断强化整个社会的团结与和谐。

要做到这一点,宪法对执政权力的约束,必须是周密而全面的(complete and comprehensive),也就是必须规范执政权产生、运行和更替的全过程。假如一位君主或一个政党,可以将一部“宪法”强加给一个国家,并利用“宪法”永久地垄断政治权力,那就意味着他们在宪法制定之前便已经掌握了政权,也必然掌握了一支有组织的武装力量。但这样一来,他们在“宪法”制定之后的统治,其实就不是基于“宪法”,而只是基于武力。这样的“宪法”根本不可能对权力进行周密而全面的约束,反而只会是掌权者利用、忽视、轻蔑和任意改动的对象。这样的“宪法”,当然只是一部虚假的宪法,或者说是一部伪宪法。

各位代表,正如你们不是人民的真正代表一样,现行“宪法”也不是一部真正的宪法。它不是中国人民用来创设和规范政府权力的根本法,而只是执政党用来组建和运行自身政权的操作手册。我们不妨来做一个思想实验。假如美国的共和党与军队合作,废除联邦宪法和民主体制,建立由军队和警察支持的、不允许任何政治竞争的一党政权:(1)这个政权完全可以通过不断颁布特别政令施行统治;(2)但出于效率和便利考虑,它也可以制定一份《共和党永久政权组建和运行规程》;(3)为了让政权显得像个现代政权,它也可以给这份规程取名《美利坚人民共和国宪法》。但有谁能够否认,这部所谓的“宪法”和被废除的美国联邦宪法,是根本不同的两种东西呢?

一个国家不可能通过一部伪宪法,来实现政治体制和社会治理的现代化。一个政治现代化的国家,是公民权利得到可靠保障的国家。但在我们的国家,人们不但被剥夺了政治参与权利,不能自由选举各级政府官员,而且连财产权和人身权也缺乏有效的保障。比如,原本完全合法的私人住宅小区,仅仅因为政府出台了新的规划方案,一夜之间就变成了必须强制拆除的违法建筑;公权机关可以用扫黑除恶的名义,随意侵吞企业的合法财产;有些地方,政府甚至还强行而野蛮地铲除人们祖先的坟墓,或是拆除合法建造的教堂上的十字架……再比如,既然法律规定的上访制度,那么上访就应该是公民的一项权利,但实际情况是,各地政府经常会委派截访者去限制访民的人身自由;这些年来,因为在网上发表言论而被传唤、被拘留和被判刑的人,也是越来越多;在不少所谓“敏感”案件中,当事人不但被因言加罪,而且连正常委托律师辩护和获得公开审判的权利都不能保障……

当公民权利不能通过一部真宪法得到落实,政府权力不能通过一部真宪法得到约束时,民生也不可能得到政府的重视。虽然政府已给国民施加超高的税费负担,但由此带来的财政收入,却要优先满足各级官员的需要,并被他们以各种明目、途径和手段归入私囊。在正常国家,政府预算中的社会福利开支,都是优先用在有经济困难的民众身上,而在我们国家,却是优先用在有权有势的人身上。在很多地方,公务人员的工资,本来就是企业职工的好几倍,平时还要享受比后者更优厚的福利,退休后领取的退休金也是后者的好几倍。各级政府令人触目惊心的腐败和浪费,就更不用说了。整个官僚系统和公务员队伍,已不像是服务于国民的公仆,更像是无底线地吞噬社会财富的怪兽。

这次新冠疫情的爆发,给各国民众的生活造成了很大的冲击,也带来了很大的困难,人们大都没有事先做好心理和财务上的准备。在这种情况下,从各级财政中匀出一些钱发给民众,帮助大家度过难关,是很多国家民选政府的普遍做法。但在我们国家,整天高喊“执政为民”的政府,却恰恰不愿这样做。为什么会这样?因为让各级政府、各种衙门将到手的肥肉拿出来,实在是太难了。相对而言,忽视民众的需要和诉求更为容易,因为各级政府官员都不是民众选举出来的,都不需要谋求民众的授权。民权没有落实,民生却可以得到政府的重视,这样的情况古今中外都是从未见过的。

由于尚未通过一部真正的宪法建立现代政治体制,中国的社会治理仍处于极为落后的状态。政府官员的普遍贪腐、司法公正的普遍缺失、自然环境的普遍恶化、食品、药品及疫苗安全事故的反复出现、物价相对于居民收入的过快上涨,社会保障领域的亏空与失信、企业经营日趋艰难,以及包括高校毕业生在内的城乡居民就业日益困难等诸多问题,无一不在严重削弱国民的幸福感与安全感,并使大家对未来普遍感到迷茫与焦虑。在我看来,造成这些危机的根本原因,就是权力被少数人垄断的政治体制。在这种前现代的体制下,公务人员的权力缺乏最起码的限制与约束,这就使得他们一方面为了自身私利而大肆滥用权力,一方面又疏于履行事关公众切身利益乃至生命安全的职责,官员的普遍贪腐和社会治理的溃败,因此也就成为不可避免的结果。

此次疫情的爆发与蔓延,就很能说明问题。在应对公共健康危机时,充分而及时的信息公开,可以帮助公众作出安全、合理的行为选择和生活安排,因而对防止危机的升级是极其关键的。但是,合理应对危机的信息公开逻辑,和前现代政体的社会管控逻辑,又是截然对立和互不相容的。从已有的公开报道来看,武汉地方政府不但在很长时间里对公众隐瞒疫情,而且还严厉压制披露疫情信息的公民。外事机构自2020年1月3日起便开始向美国政府频繁通报疫情,但疾控部门却没有同时向本国民众进行通报:对本国民众生命安全如此不负责任的态度,可谓是举世罕见!

另一方面,在已知的最早病例出现后的很长时间里,几乎没有独立的专业媒体对疫情进行调查和报道,也没有医学专业人员向公众提供独立的专业意见,更看不到社会公益组织在其中发挥作用。这绝不是说,中国没有好的记者、好的医生或热爱公益的公民;而只能说明,政府对社会与民众长期的严密管控,几乎已完全摧毁了中国社会的组织和自救能力。武汉方面在封城前22天,还在查处公开疫情的市民(其中就包括已不幸离世的李文亮医生),可见政府对社会的压制是何等的严密与专横。

疫情在武汉爆发后,当地政府在应对疫情方面的低效、无能和颟顸也是举世瞩目。在武汉“封城”后,大量的疑似患者不能得到及时的检测和有效隔离,大量的实际感染者不能得到及时的治疗。当一线医务人员冒着巨大的风险与疫病斗争时,平时卖力吹嘘自身政绩的各级政府,竟不能给他们提供最起码的后勤保障。疫情持续期间,各地政府以邻为壑的割据式“自保”动作和相互截取对方物资的行径;各地大量发生的侵犯人权事件;以及遍布疫区的无数人道主义灾难,则充分表明:过去七十年,无论是在国家构建方面,还是在社会治理方面,都是一场彻头彻尾的失败。

当前的中国,亟需以包含国民主权、社会自治、政党竞争、分权制衡、司法独立、新闻自由等政治原则的现代政体,取代当前极其落后和不公正的前现代政体,以落实民权,保障民生,并实现国家政治的和平转型和社会治理的现代化。这就意味着,必须要以一部体现全体国民政治意志的真宪法,来取代现行的伪宪法。

各位代表,虽然我基于自身的政治信念,无法认同你们身为人民代表的正当性,但我亦认为,你们已经组成了一个事实上的国家权力机构,因而完全可以启动国民制宪程序,为中国的政治转型及现代化作出重大的、历史性的贡献。在此,我谨以中国公民之一员的身份,向你们提出如下几点建议:

(一)虽然全国人大作为一个常规的、普通的立法机构是不正当的,但它可以将自身转化为一个启动国家政治转型的特别机构,且该特别机构的主要工作,是制定选举规则和任命中立、公正的选举委员会,并委任该委员会组织自由、普遍和直接的选举,以产生新的全国性的代议机构。该代议机构为过渡时期的最高权力机构(以下称“最高过渡权力机构”)。

(二)最高过渡权力机构有权组建过渡时期的最高行政机构,并任命该机构的官员,同时有权对各级司法机构进行必要的改革。

(三)最高过渡权力机构有权颁布必要的法令,完成各级地方代议机构的选举,并产生各级地方行政机构。

(四)最高过渡权力机构一经产生,即应尽快创立具有广泛代表性的宪法起草委员会,并委任该委员会起草一部合乎现代政治原则的宪法草案。宪法草案起草完毕后,应交由最高过渡机构进行表决,若表决未通过,则应发回宪法起草委员会进行修改;若表决通过,则应付诸国民投票,并于投票通过后予以实施。

(五)为给最高过渡权力机构的选举创造条件,作为特别机构的全国人大应作出决议,立即释放全部政治犯和良心犯。

(六)为给最高过渡权力机构的选举创造条件,作为特别机构的全国人大应作出决议,立即开放党禁、报禁,容许人民自由结社和自由创办、经营新闻媒体。

(七)为给最高过渡权力机构的选举创造条件,作为特别机构的全国人大应作出决议,规定任何政党均不得再享有国家公务机构的地位,任何政党成员均不得再享有国家公务人员的待遇。

(八)最高过渡权力机构首次集会时,作为特别机构的全国人大即告解散。依新宪法产生的全国代议机构首次集会时,最高过渡权力机构即告解散。

各位代表,当你们于本月22日开始开会时,你们可以像以往一样走走过场,像以往一样成为只知道举手的道具。但你们也可以选择正视我们国家的种种积弊和危机,肩负起一项重大的历史责任,为自己的国家开创一个新的政治局面,让自己的国家有一个更美好的未来。如果你们选择这样做,你们就不会像以前各届不负责任的人大代表一样,迟早将全然湮没于历史的长河之中,而是将作为中国宪政体制的伟大开创者而永载史册:你们的名字将被后人永久铭记,你们的功绩将被后人永久感戴。

全体国民,而不是某一个人或某一部分人,才是制宪权的享有者,这一道理是世所公认的。但任何一个人或一部分人,若是对本国的宪制安排有着自己的思考与构想,都可以通过自认为适当的方式,提交给全体国民加以考虑和参照。个体公民在制宪事务上的建议权,不但不会侵害全体国民的制宪权,反而更有利于制宪权的行使与实现。基于这一考虑,我将自己编撰的《中华统一共和国宪法草案》(学者建议稿),作为这封信的附件一并提交,以供可能的参考之用,同时对草案的内容略作如下说明(如有需要,我还可提供更为详细的条文释义):

(1)《中华统一共和国宪法草案》简称“一八宪草”,除序言外,分为“基本权利”、“国会”、“总统”、“法院”、“宪法审判委员会”、“选举管理”、“地方自治”、“宪法的施行与修改”、“其他规定”和“过渡条款”等10章,共计133条。草案在充分考虑本国各方面实际情况的基础上,博采各国、各地区宪法理论与实践之长,以期既尽量尊重和适应本国的现实,又努力确保草案本身的合理与完善。

(2)草案在贯彻民主、法治、分权等各项现代政治原则的前提下,尽可能尊重和迁就既有的规则、惯例和行政区划,以避免人们必须同时接受和适应太多陌生的东西。如果既有的一些技术性安排尚不够妥善和合理,可以等到新宪法的运作趋于稳定后,再在一个相对成熟的宪政框架下从容地加以改进。

(3)草案采用“中华统一共和国”之国号(可英译为United Republic of China),是因为“统一”一词,既能顾及国家主体部分一直实行单一制的事实,又能容纳不同地区的不同情形,特别是它们与中央政府之间在关系及权限上的差别。在由多个原本独立的政治实体组成一个新国家的情况下,采用联邦制是较为恰当的选择;而在一个原本实行单一制的国家,贸然采用联邦制,则很可能导致中央与地方关系的失调,甚至有可能引发难以预料的政治动荡。在后一种情况下,更稳妥的选择是在延续单一制的同时,着力强化和扩展地方自治。

从各国宪法实践来看,联邦制和单一制之间的区别已有相对化之趋势:在联邦制国家出现了中央权威加强的态势,在单一制国家则出现了地方自治扩展的态势,两者之间的差别已越来越小。这一趋势的内在动力和政治原理是:在一个民主与法治的宪政框架下,各种政府权限的分配会通过不断的调整而渐趋合理,因而使得不同的权限逐渐分属于最适合行使它们的层级和机构。法国宪法第72条第2款的表述,很好地体现了这一原理:“对那些在其层次能以最佳方式行使权力的所有事项,地方组织得自行作出决策。”

(4)关于总统制和议会内阁制孰优孰劣的问题,目前尚无能为人们普遍接受的研究结论。从各国的政治实践来看,不同的国家大都是根据自身的历史传统和现实情况,在两者之间进行取舍。草案采用了总统制,既有对传统习惯和国民心理的尊重,也期望政府的行政分支在未来能保持必要的稳定和效率。在我国台湾地区实行的“总统制”,以及香港、澳门地区实行的行政长官制,为在全国范围内实行总统制提供了相对亲切和稔熟的参照资源。相比之下,我们中国人对议会内阁制的实践则更为陌生与不适应。不过,在采用总统制的同时,草案中规定的一系列制度设置,亦可构成对总统权力的有效约束,以避免出现个人独裁的局面。

(5)一部好的宪法,当然应该合乎民主、法治、分权等现代政治原则,但又不能仅是对这些原则的一般宣示,而是应该将这些原则贯彻和内化到具体的制度设计和机构设置中去。草案特别注重宪法作为国家根本法的可操作性及规范作用,以保障人们在宪法一经施行后,便可遵循相关条款顺利组建必要的国家机关,并可较为明确地界定它们各自的权限。

(6)在前现代体制向现代体制转型的过程中,会有很多历史遗留问题需要解决。对这些问题进行公正而合理的处理,可以争取尽可能多的人对体制转型的认同与支持。因此,草案专设“过渡条款”一章,以保障转型过程的平稳和顺畅。

(7)最重要的一点是,草案特别强调对个人权利的尊重与保障。在今天的中国,政府机构的普遍腐败和社会治理的全面溃败,从一个角度来看,是因为对公共权力缺乏限制与约束,从另一个角度来看,则是因为对个人权利缺乏尊重和保障。为了改变不尊重个人权利的政治传统,草案先是在序言中将“保障个人自由”列为新体制和新政府存在的首要价值,继而在第一章详尽地规定了国民的各项基本权利。草案第一条还借鉴德国基本法第一条的内容,将“尊重和保护人的尊严”规定为一切国家权力的义务,并将基本权利视为有效约束立法、行政和司法的法则。德国基本法特别强调人的尊严与基本权利之重要,这既是对纳粹政权大规模侵犯和践踏人权的反思,也是对未来发生类似情形的警惕与防范。就国家权力对人权的侵犯和践踏而言,我们中国人已有太多惨痛的教训,因而亦有必要对此加以特别的防范。

(8)最后需要强调的是,任何想在这部草案中寻找特别新颖的内容的人,都一定会感到失望。因为,在编撰这部草案的过程中,创新从来都不是编撰者追求的目标。为了编撰这部宪法草案,编撰者既考察了自清末以降的本国制宪实践,也研习了近三十个国家的宪法文本、理论与实践,但这样做完全不是为了发明新颖的东西,而是为了吸取前人及他国的经验教训。无论是整部草案的总体架构,还是每一条文的具体规定,都只是尽力追求内容本身的合理、恰当及稳妥。若是别国宪法中有规定得特别好的条文,且又恰好契合中国的实际情况,编撰者甚至情愿原封不动地照搬过来。就这部草案的编撰而言,编撰者的主要目标,甚至可以说唯一的目标,是让它尽量合乎中国确立现代政体的现实需要。

各位代表,以上是我对现行“宪法”、现行政体、社会现状及中国政治现代化最优途径的真实想法。虽然我是以最坦率的方式表达自己的个人看法,但我无意冒犯任何人,更不想将自己的看法强加于任何人。我的看法不可能全是对的,有可能全是错的,更可能有些是错的,有些是对的;但无论是对是错,我作为中国公民之一员,将自己对公共事务的思考结果,提交给一群被称为“人民代表”的人来审视和参考,应该不算是特别不恰当的做法。

衷心祝愿各位代表身体健康,生活美满。

                  张雪忠
               202059

附:《中华统一共和国宪法草案(学者建议稿)》

中华统一共和国宪法草案(学者建议稿)

基于一切国家权力均应出自国民的庄严委托,并由国民正式选举的代表行使,其利益亦应由国民共同享有的普遍原则,我们全体国民,为实行民主政治,建立法治国家,防止专制与独裁,组建稳定而高效的政府,以保障个人自由,增进社会福祉,维护国内安宁,促进国际和平,特制定中华统一共和国宪法。

第一章 基本权利

第一条 人的尊严不可侵犯。尊重和保护人的尊严是一切国家权力的义务。 基本权利是有效约束立法、行政和司法的准则。

第二条 生命、身体和追求幸福的权利不受侵犯。人身自由不受侵犯。对此类权利的干预须依法律进行。

第三条 国民在法律上一律平等。 在政治、经济和社会关系中,不得因性别、种族、信仰、政治见解、籍贯、出身或财产状况的不同而差别对待。 任何人不得因残疾而受到歧视。 保障和促进男女平等。 国民有确定和表明民族身份的权利。任何人不得被强迫选择和表明自己的民族身份。尊重和保障少数族群的平等地位与权利。尊重、保障和促进语言和文化生活的多样性。

第四条 思想及良心自由不受侵犯。 宗教信仰自由不受侵犯。国家尊重和保护宗教活动,但不得赋予任何宗教团体以任何特权。国家不得从事宗教教育及其他任何宗教活动。

第五条 国民享有言论自由和以通常途径获取信息的自由。保障新闻出版自由和广播、电视、电影、网站等媒体的报道自由。禁止事先进行内容审查。 出于保护青少年和个人名誉、隐私等正当目的,得以一般法律对前款规定之权利予以限制 保障艺术、研究和教学自由。专利权、商标权、著作权等知识产权受法律保护。

第六条 国民享有不携带武器进行和平集会的权利。集会无需事先申请或批准。 得制定法律或依照法律对露天集会予以规范和限制。

第七条 国民享有结社的权利。 政党内部秩序须符合民主原则。政党须公布其财产状况及经费来源与使用情况。得以法律对法官、现役军人、警官和警察、驻国外的外交使节和领事人员参与政党的权利予以限制。 保障国民为维护和改善劳动、经济条件而结社的权利。限制或妨碍此项权利的协议均属无效,为此采取的措施均属违法。 对具有专业性或公共性的职业团体,得以法律规定强制设立和强制加入制度。 得制定法律或依照法律限制和规范罢工权的行使。

第八条 名誉和隐私受法律保护。 通讯秘密不受侵犯。此项权利只能依法律予以限制。 住宅不受侵犯。非经法律授权,并持依法定程序和正当理由签发的命令,不得进入和搜查住宅,亦不得搜查、扣留任何人的文件或物品,但屋主、文件或物品持有人同意及搜捕现行犯时除外。得以法律规定其它必要的例外情形。

第九条 国民享有迁徙自由。为了公共安全及福利,或出于保护未成年人之目的,得制定法律或依照法律对此项权利予以限制。 国民享有出境旅行、移居国外和脱离国籍的自由。国籍的取得与丧失由法律规定。为保障法律义务之履行而限制出境的事由及程序,由法律规定。 国家依法保护居住于国外的侨民。

第十条 国民享有自由选择职业和工作岗位的权利。得制定法律或依照法律对职业行为予以规范。

第十一条 财产权不受侵犯。保障财产继承权。财产权的内容和限制由法律规定。 在法律允许的范围内,土地及其他自然资源可由私人所有。使用土地及其他自然资源的条件、方式、范围及限制由法律规定。 财产权之行使,不应违反社会公共利益。 只有为了公共利益且予以正当补偿时,方可征收财产。对财产的征收,须依照法律规定的方式进行。

第十二条 国民享有与社会发展程度相适应之最低限度的健康与文化生活权利。 保障与促进社会福利和公共卫生。自然环境应受保护。 风景名胜、历史遗产和文化遗产的保护范围及方式,由法律规定。

第十三条 保障国民的受教育权。义务教育为免费教育。 保障开设私立学校的权利。开设私立学校须符合法律规定的条件并得到国家许可。私立学校的教学目的、教学设施和师资水平不低于公立学校。

第十四条 国民享有劳动的权利。 有关工资、劳动时间、休假及其他劳动条件的基本标准,由法律规定。 禁止一切有害儿童身体健康和人格发展、完善的役使童工行为。

第十五条 婚姻和家庭受国家保护。 关于婚姻和家庭的法律,必须在尊重个人尊严与配偶平等的基础上制定。 抚养和教育子女是父母的权利和义务。非婚生子女享有与婚生子女同等的地位和权利。

第十六条 选任和罢免公务员是国民的固有权利。一切公务员都是为全体国民服务,而不是为一部分国民服务。 年满十八岁的公民,其选举权不得因年龄而被剥夺或限制。对于选举人的投票选择,不得以任何方式追究责任。 如有必要,得以法律限制公务人员、公共服务职员、在役军人和法官的被选举权。

第十七条 因公务员的不法行为而受到损害,可依照法律的规定,向国家或公共机构请求赔偿。

第十八条 国民享有单独或与他人共同进行和平请愿的权利。任何人都不得因进行此种请愿而受到差别对待。

第十九条 任何人不得被剥夺在法院接受审判的权利。 只有依照法律才能设立审理专门案件的法院。不得设立特别法院或特别法庭。行政机关不得实行作为终审的审判。 陪审制度由法律规定。

第二十条 非经法律规定的正当程序,不得剥夺任何人的生命、自由或财产,也不得处以其他刑罚。 任何人非经生效法院判决认定有罪,均为无罪。 在废除死刑前,应以法律规定,死刑作为极端惩罚措施仅适用于谋害他人生命的严重暴力犯罪。

第二十一条 在刑事案件中,当事人享有自行辩护和委托律师辩护的权利、充分质询证人的权利、使用公费和借助法定强制手段为自己寻求证人的权利,以及由法院迅速而公正审判的权利。 除作为现行犯被拘捕外,如无主管司法机关签发且明示犯罪事由的拘捕令,任何人不得被拘捕。得以法律规定其他必要的紧急拘捕之情形。 任何情形下,取得拘捕令之前的临时羁押不得超过48小时。不得在身体上或精神上虐待被羁押的人。 任何人不得被强迫做不利于自己的供述。强迫、拷问或威胁所得的口供,或在非法拘禁状态下所作的口供,不得作为证据。绝对禁止刑讯逼供。 对在实行时合法的行为,不得追究刑事责任。对同一行为,不得重复追究刑事责任。

第二章 国会

第二十二条 国会由众议院和参议院两院组成,行使国家立法权。 两院议员由普遍、直接、自由、平等和无记名的选举产生,是全体国民的代表,不受任何委托和指令的约束,只凭自身的良心和判断行使代议职责。

第二十三条 众议员人数不得超过500人。 众议员名额依人口数之比例分配至各省、自治区、直辖市和特别行政区,但每省、自治区、直辖市或特别行政区至少应有一个名额。根据人口统计所得数据重新分配议员名额的时限和方法,由法律规定。 依本宪法进行之第一次众议员选举名额分配如下:安徽省20名;福建省12名;广东省35名;甘肃省9名;贵州省12名;河北省24名;湖北省19名;黑龙江省13名;海南省3名;河南省32名;湖南省22名;吉林省9名;江苏省26名;江西省15名;辽宁省15名;青海省2名;四川省27名;山东省32名;山西省12名;陕西省13名;云南省15名;浙江省18名;广西壮族自治区16名;内蒙古自治区8名;宁夏回族自治区3名;新疆维吾尔族自治区7名;西藏自治区1名;北京市7名;重庆市10名;上海市8名;天津市5名;澳门特别行政区1名;香港特别行政区3名。

第二十四条 为众议员选举之目的,以不与法律及国会通过的决议相抵触为限,各省、自治区、直辖市和特别行政区可在各自辖区内进行选区划分和名额分配。国会得随时以法律或决议确定和改变此类划分与分配。

第二十五条 众议院选举与总统选举应于同一年进行,并应于新当选总统预定就职日期前完成。 得以法律规定新选出国会首次集会和新当选总统就职的具体日期。

第二十六条 众议员任期为四年,可连选连任。

第二十七条 年龄未满25岁,为本国公民未满七年或当选时非其选出省、自治区、直辖市或特别行政区居民者,不得为众议员。

第二十八条 众议院得选任和罢免本院议长及其他工作人员,并得于议长缺席会议时选举临时议长。 议长或临时议长无表决权,但某项议案之通过仅差一赞成票时除外。

第二十九条 参议院由各省、自治区、直辖市和特别行政区分别选出的两名参议员组成,每位参议员各有一票表决权。

第三十条 参议员任期为六年,可连选连任。依本宪法选出的第一届参议院议员一经集会,即应尽量分为人数相近的两组,第一组三年后任期结束,第二组六年后任期结束,以使每三年改选议员之半数。

第三十一条 年龄未满30岁,为本国公民未满9年或当选时非其选出省、自治区、直辖市或特别行政区居民者,不得为参议员。

第三十二条 副总统任参议院主席,除与会参议员所投赞成票与反对票相等外,无表决权。 参议院得选任和罢免本院其他工作人员,并得于副总统缺席或行使总统职务时选举临时主席。

第三十三条 两院议员若出现缺额,应由相关选区于缺额出现后45天内补选。得以法律规定补选程序及相关事宜。

第三十四条 任何人不得同时担任两院议员。两院议员不得兼任行政官员、法官或其他公共职位。有关两院议员参选和任职时的职位及利益冲突事宜,由法律规定。

第三十五条 两院议员依法律规定自国库领受适当数额的报酬。在新一届众议院选出之前,任何改变两院议员任职报酬的法律,均不得生效。

第三十六条 除法律另有规定或作为现行犯外,在国会开会期间,两院议员非经其所在议院批准不受拘捕。会期前被拘捕的议员,经其所在议院要求,应于开会期间予以释放。

第三十七条 对两院议员在议院内的发言和表决,不得在院外以任何方式追究责任。

第三十八条 两院各自裁决关于其议员资格的争议,但取消议员资格,须有出席议员三分之二以上多数赞成的决议。 两院各自制订其内部规章和议事规则,并可惩戒议员,但开除议员,须有出席议员三分之二以上多数赞成的决议。

第三十九条 两院得各自监督政府工作及调查政府工作中的特定事务,并可要求提供相关的书面材料、证言或供述,也可要求证人出席作证。 监督和调查政府工作的程序及其他必要事项由法律规定。

第四十条 两院各自议员出席过半数即构成进行工作之法定人数;不足法定人数时得延期开会,并得依各院规定办法与罚则强迫缺席议员出席。 两院议事时,除本宪法另有规定外,以出席议员半数以上的表决议决之。 在国会开会期间,一院未经另一院同意不得休会三日以上,亦不得将开会地点移往他处。 两院联席会议的召开程序、议事范围和决议效力等事项,由法律规定。

第四十一条 两院的会议为公开会议,但经出席议员三分之二以上多数赞成,得举行秘密会议。 两院各自保存其会议记录,除秘密会议记录中特别载明需保密者外,均应公开发表,并须公之于众。 经五分之一以上出席会议之议员要求,各议员的表决须载入会议记录。

第四十二条 国会每年至少举行一次定期会议。临时会议应总统或任一议院四分之一以上议员之要求而召开。总统要求召开临时会议,应说明开会理由和会期。 定期会议会期不得超过120天,临时会议会期不得超过30天。 得以法律规定定期会议和临时会议的相关事宜。

第四十三条 法律草案得由国会议员、总统和总统下属行政部门主管官员提出。最高法院、宪法审判委员会和中央选举委员会得就各自管辖范围内的事务提出法律草案。 包括国家预算提案在内的一切财税法案,须先在众议院提出及审议。 与地方自治有关的法案须先在参议院提出及审议。 总统及总统下属行政部门主管官员为就议案发言,得随时出席两院会议。行政部门主管官员在被各议院要求出席作说明时,必须出席。

第四十四条 众议院和参议院均可设立若干由本院议员组成的专门委员会。专门委员会的职能范围、运作程序、决议效力、数量限制及其他必要事项,由法律规定。

第四十五条 国会通过的法案移送给总统,由后者于15日内签署成为法律。 总统对法案有异议时,可于前款规定的期限内,附上异议书退回最初审议该项法案的议院,要求重新审议。国会闭会期间亦照此办理。总统不得要求只重新审议部分法案,或修改法案要求审议。 总统未于本条第一款规定的期限内签署或要求重新审议的,国会通过的法案即成为法律。 总统于本条第一款规定的期限内要求重新审议的,最初审议该法案的议院应重新审议,经该院半数以上议员出席,并经出席议员三分之二以上多数赞成,即应将该法案连同总统的异议书送交另一院,另一院亦应重新审议,经该院半数以上议员出席,并经出席议员三分之二以上多数赞成,相关法案即成为法律。 本条关于法案生效之规定,亦适用于国会通过的决议和命令,但不适用于国会通过的无约束力之声明。

第四十六条 国会审议和批准国家预算。 总统或其下属行政部门编制各年度财政预算提案,并在财政年度开始的90天前呈交国会。国会应在财政年度开始的30天前予以决定。 如果预算提案在新的财政年度开始后仍未通过,政府可依照上一财政年度的预算标准,为下列项目所需经费支出资金,直到预算提案被国会通过为止:(1)依宪法和法律设置之机构和设施的维持及经营;(2)履行法律上的支出义务;(3)继续进行预算已批准的项目。

第四十七条 当需要支出的资金超出一个财政年度时,总统或其下属行政部门应规定年限,以继续费的名目提交国会议决。 预备费用总额应由国会通过,其支出应获当届国会批准。

第四十八条 总统或其下属行政部门认为需要追加、变更预算时,应编制追加、更正预算案并提交国会。

第四十九条 未经总统或其下属行政部门同意,国会不得另设国家预算支出项目或增加国家预算支出项目的金额。

第五十条 政府发行公债或缔结预算外增加国家金融风险的契约时,应事先获得国会的批准。

第五十一条 税收的种类和税率由法律规定。

第五十二条 国会可通过法律,设立独立和专业的国家审计机构,负责审查账簿和审查有关预算执行及国有财产经营管理是否符合法律和经济节省原则。该审计机构除向总统报告工作外,还直接向参议院和众议院提交年度工作报告。法律可规定该审计机构的组成、运作及其他职权。

第五十三条 总统、副总统、总统下属行政部门主管官员、最高法院大法官、宪法委员会委员、中央选举委员会委员及其他法律所定之公职人员,在执行公务中违反宪法或法律,或有严重不端行为者,由参议院进行弹劾。 前款规定的弹劾,须由三分之一以上本届参议员提议,经五分之三以上本届参议员赞成通过,但对总统、副总统的弹劾,须由二分之一以上本届参议员提议,经四分之三以上本届参议员赞成通过。对总统、副总统的弹劾,由最高法院首席大法官任主席。 对本条第一款规定之外的公职人员,得以法律规定不同的弹劾机构与程序。 弹劾通过之效力仅限于免除公职,但并不影响当事人依照法律所应承担的民事或刑事责任。

第三章 总统

第五十四条 总统是国家元首,对外代表国家。 国家行政权力属于以总统为首的国家行政机构。 总统、副总统及总统下属行政部门官员必须是文职人员。

第五十五条 总统、副总统由全体国民通过普遍、直接、平等、自由和无记名的选举产生。 一名总统候选人必须与一名副总统候选人共同参选,且两人的姓名必须出现在同一名单上,该名单不得出现任何其他人的姓名。 在40%以上选民参与投票的选举中得票最多的候选人,如得票数达到总投票数的50%,或在50%以上选民参与投票的选举中得票最多的候选人,如得票数达到总投票数的40%,即当选为总统、副总统。 如在选举中未有候选人符合本条第三款规定的当选条件,众议院应尽快召开由三分之二以上新近当选之议员参加的集会,并在14天内以半数以上与会议员的赞成票,在得票最多的两组候选人中选定总统、副总统。 所有与总统、副总统选举有关的事项均由法律规定。

第五十六条 总统任期为四年,副总统任期与总统任期相同。 无论何人,当选担任总统职务不得超过两次。无论何人,于他人当选总统任期内担任总统职务或代理总统职务两年以上者,不得当选担任总统超过一次。 总统不得兼任其他任何职务。

第五十七条 应于在任总统、副总统任期届满前第60日至第30日之间,选出总统、副总统继任者。

第五十八条 年龄未满35岁,为本国公民未满14年或参选时非为中华统一共和国境内居民者,不得当选为总统、副总统。

第五十九条 如当选总统在规定就职日期前亡故,由当选副总统就任总统一职。如当选总统不合资格,则由当选副总统代行总统职权,直至以本宪法第五十五条规定的选举程序补选出一位合资格的总统。 如当选总统和当选副总统均不合资格,国会得以法律宣布代理总统之人选或规定遴选代理总统之方式,该被宣布或遴选之人即可代行总统职权,直至以本宪法第五十五条规定的选举程序补选出一位合资格的总统。

第六十条 总统在就职前应宣读以下誓言:“我向国民庄严宣誓,我将忠诚履行总统职责,竭尽所能遵守、维护和捍卫中华统一共和国宪法,并努力促进国民的自由、权利和福利。”

第六十一条 当总统死亡、辞职或被免职时,副总统成为总统。 当副总统职位出缺时,总统应提名一名副总统,经国会两院均以本届议员半数以上多数票通过后就职。 当总统、副总统职位同时出缺时,适用本宪法第五十九条第二款之规定。

第六十二条 当总统向参议院临时主席和众议院议长提交书面声明,声称其不能履行职务时,在其再向参议院临时主席和众议院议长提交一份内容相反之书面声明前,总统的权力和职责应由副总统以代总统身份行使。 当副总统和行政各部多数主管官员,或副总统和宪法委员会多数成员,依法律规定向参议院临时主席和众议院议长提交书面声明,声称总统不能履行职务时,总统的权力和职责应立即由副总统以代总统身份行使。此后,当总统向参议院临时主席和众议院议长提交书面声明,声称其不能履行职务的情况并不存在,其总统职务应予恢复,除非副总统和行政各部多数主管官员,或副总统和宪法委员会多数成员,于此后三日内向参议院临时主席和众议院议长提交书面声明,声称总统不能履行职务。在此种情形下,国会应在四十八小时内召集会议,如于召集会议后二十一天内,两院均以本届议员三分之二以上多数票决定总统不能履行职务,副总统应继续以代总统身份行使总统的权力和职责,否则总统应恢复其职务。

第六十三条 总统于任期内应得之薪酬由法律规定,该项薪酬于任期内不得增减。

第六十四条 总统为海陆空三军总司令,依宪法和法律规定统帅中华统一共和国全部军队。

第六十五条 总统根据国会的决议宣布战争状态,并根据国会的决议宣布结束战争状态。总统提请国会作出宣战决议的,该决议须经国会两院各自以本届议员之半数以上赞成方可通过。 总统对外媾和须事先获得国会的批准。

第六十六条 总统代表国家对外缔结之条约及协定,须获得参议院的批准,此项批准须经出席会议之议员三分之二以上赞成票通过。

第六十七条 总统有权派遣和接受外交使节。 大使、领事等驻国外和驻国际组织的外事代表,由总统提名,经参议院批准后由总统任命。

第六十八条 行政各部主管官员及一切国家行政官员由总统提名,经参议院批准后由总统任命。如国会认为适当,得以法律将下级官员之任命权授予总统单独行使,或授予各部主管官员行使。 政府各部的设置、组织和职务范围由法律规定。

第六十九条 总统有权任命人员以补参议院休会期间所发生之政府人员缺额,此项任命应于参议院下次会议结束时满期。

第七十条 总统得要求行政各部主管官员就其职务有关事项提交书面意见。

第七十一条 国会得制定法律,设置若干为总统决策提供咨询的专业机构,并规定此等专业机构的组织、地位及职能范围。 法律可规定总统作出某项决策,必须事先征询特定专业机构的意见。

第七十二条 总统可对有关法律规定的具体范围、委任事项和执行法律的必要事项发布总统令。 行政各部主管官员可依法律授权、总统委托或依职权就其管辖事务颁布规章。

第七十三条 在发生国内冲突、外部威胁、自然灾害或重大经济危机时,为维护国家安全和维持公共秩序而必须采取紧急措施且无暇召开国会时,总统可采取必要的财政和金融措施,或发布具有法律效力的命令。 在危及国家安全的重大交战状态时,为保证国家完整认为有必要采取紧急措施且无法召开国会时,总统可发布具有法律效力的命令。 在发布或采取本条第一款和第二款中的命令或措施时,总统应不延迟地通知国会,并获得国会的批准。 未能获得本条第三款规定的批准时,总统的处分或命令立即失效。出现此类情况时,被该命令废止或修改的法律同时恢复法律效力。 总统应不延迟地公布本条第三款和第四款中的事态。

第七十四条 因战争、武装冲突及类似的国内紧急状况,有必要动用兵力以应付一定军事需要或维持公共秩序时,总统可依法宣布戒严。 在宣布戒严后,可依法对有关法令制度、言论、出版、集会、结社、政府或法院权限方面,采取特别措施。 国会两院任一议院半数以上本届议员要求解除戒严时,总统必须予以解除。 宣布戒严后,总统应毫不迟延地通知国会。如逢国会休会,此项通知视同总统要求国会召开临时会议,国会必须于48小时内集会。在此种情况下,总统应尽力促成和协助国会开会。 总统任何以强力阻扰国会开会的行为,均应视为叛国行为。

第七十五条 总统每年向国会提交关于国内状况和对内对外政策主要方针的国情咨文。 在必要时,总统可出席国会发言,或以书面形式发表意见。

第七十六条 总统有权对他人予以特赦、减刑、免除刑罚执行和恢复权利,但弹劾案不在此列。 总统作出普遍的赦免决定,应征得国会同意。 与此有关的事项由法律规定。

第七十七条 总统依法律颁发勋章或授予其他荣誉。勋章和其他荣誉的授予不附带任何特权,且效力不及于受领者以外的个人或机构。

第七十八条 总统除犯有内乱或叛国罪外,在任期间不受刑事追诉。

第七十九条 有关前任总统、副总统地位及礼遇之事宜,由法律规定。

第四章 法院

第八十条 除本宪法另有规定外,一切司法权属于最高法院及依法律规定设置的下级法院。最高法院及其他各级法院的组织由法律规定。

第八十一条 法官享有独立地位,依自身良知行使职权,只受宪法和法律约束。

第八十二条 最高法院设九名大法官,组成大法官会议,其中兼任院长者为首席大法官,主持大法官会议。大法官会议得就法律的适用作出解释。 最高法院大法官由总统提名,经参议院批准后由总统任命。最高法院院长由总统从大法官中提名,经参议院批准后由总统任命。 最高法院大法官不得加入任何政党或参与任何政治活动。 如无相反之法律规定,最高法院可设大法官之外的法官。

第八十三条 最高法院以不与法律规定相抵触为限,有权就关于诉讼手续、律师出庭、法院内部纪律及司法事务处理的事项制定规则。 检察官必须遵守最高法院制定的规则。 最高法院得将制定与下级法院有关之规则的权限,委托给下级法院行使。

第八十四条 法官的任职条件由法律规定。 最高法院大法官之外的法官,其选任方式由法律规定。

第八十五条 法官除因身心障碍经上一级法院决定不适于执行职务者外,非因弹劾或受徒刑以上刑罚不得罢免。法官的惩戒处分不得由行政机关执行。

第八十六条 法官定期接受法律规定之适当数额的报酬,此项报酬在任期内不得减少。

第八十七条 法官达到法律规定的年龄时退休。

第八十八条 最高法院为裁定某项行政法规、规章、地方性法规、条例、命令及处分是否违反宪法或法律的终审法院。

第八十九条 法院的审理和判决在公开法庭进行。如全体法官一致认定有妨碍公共秩序或善良风俗之虞时,审理可不公开进行。

第五章 宪法审判委员会

第九十条 宪法审判委员会行使以下职权: (1)对中央机关之间、中央机关和地方自治团体之间,以及地方自治团体之间的权限争议进行裁决。 (2)对法院提交的关于某项法律是否违反宪法的问题进行裁决。 (3)在必要时,提审与本宪法第一章规定的基本权利有关的案件。 (4)对国际条约是否与本宪法相抵触的问题进行裁决。 (5)审理本宪法和法律规定的其他争议。 国会得于必要时制定法律,将部分宪法审查事务授予宪法审判委员会以外的审判机构,但不得损及宪法审判委员会在此等宪法审查事务上的终审地位。 宪法审判委员会的裁判以多数委员的意见为准。宪法审判委员会的裁判不得上诉,具有普遍约束力。

第九十一条 宪法审判委员会由九名具有法官任职资格的委员组成,其中三名由总统提名经参议院批准后由总统任命,三名由众议院议长提名经参议院批准后由总统任命,三名由最高法院院长提名经参议院批准后由总统任命。 宪法审判委员会主席由总统从九名委员中提名,经参议院批准后由总统任命。

第九十二条 宪法审判委员会委员任期为九年,得依宪法规定的方式连任。 宪法审判委员会委员每三年改任三分之一。宪法审判委员会委员出缺时,新委员的选任方式同于出缺者。 第一届宪法审判委员会有三名委员任期三年,三名委员任期六年,三名委员任期九年。总统、众议院议长和最高法院院长各提名三类委员中的一名。

第九十三条 宪法审判委员会委员不得加入任何政党或参与任何政治活动。

第九十四条 宪法审判委员会委员非因弹劾或受徒刑以上刑罚,不得罢免。

第九十五条 以不与法律相抵触为限,宪法审判委员会可制定与审查程序、内部纪律及事务处理有关的规则。

第九十六条 宪法审判委员会及其成员的宪法地位与职权,在任何事态下均不受侵犯。

第九十七条 宪法审判委员会的组织、活动及其他必要事项,由法律规定。

第六章 选举管理

第九十八条 为保证选举和国民投票的公正进行以及处理政党事务,设立中央选举委员会和法律规定的下级选举委员会。

第九十九条 中央选举委员会由九名委员组成,其中三名由总统提名经参议院批准后由总统任命,三名由众议院议长提名经参议院批准后由总统任命,三名由最高法院院长提名经参议院批准后由总统任命。 中央选举委员会委员出缺时,新委员的选任方式同于出缺者。 中央选举委员会主席由九名委员以互选方式提名,由总统任命。

第一百条 中央选举委员会委员任期为6年,得依宪法规定的方式连任。其他各级选举委员会的选任方式和任期由法律规定。

第一百零一条 各级选举委员会委员不得加入任何政党或参与任何政治活动。

第一百零二条 各级选举委员会委员非因弹劾或受徒刑以上刑罚,不得罢免。

第一百零三条 中央选举委员会可在法律允许的范围内,就选举管理及政党事务制定规则,并以不与法律相抵触为限制定关于内部纪律的规则。

第一百零四条 各级选举委员会可就选举人名册的制作等选举事务和国民投票事务,向相关的行政机关作出必要的指令,相关行政机关应予执行。

第一百零五条 选举活动在各级选举委员会的管理下,在法律规定的范围内进行,以保障选举的公正。

第一百零六条 各级选举委员会的组织、职责范围和其他必要事项,由法律规定。

第七章 地方自治

第一百零七条 关于省、自治区、直辖市、县、县级市、乡镇、村及其他地方公共团体的组织及运营事项,根据地方自治的宗旨由法律规定。

第一百零八条 地方公共团体依照法律规定设置议会为其议事机构。在乡镇、村可由乡镇大会或村民大会取代议会。

第一百零九条 地方公共团体的长官、议会议员及法律规定的其他公务人员,由当地居民依法律规定直接选举产生。

第一百一十条 地方公共团体有管理财产、处理事务及行政管理的职权,并得在法律规定的范围内制定地方性法规、规章或条例。

第一百一十一条 地方公共团体可依照法律规定享有一部分国家管理职能,并可获得为行使此种职能所需的物资和资金。此种职能的行使受国家监督。 国家监督、保障宪法和法律在地方公共团体辖区内的实施。

第一百一十二条 当立法事务超出地方公共团体的职能范围,或上级立法机构另有不同立法时,该地方公共团体可提请上级立法机构进行审议和处理。

第一百一十三条 仅适用于某一地方公共团体的特别法,非经当地居民依照法律规定投票且半数以上同意,上级立法机构不得制定。

第一百一十四条 地方自治团体区域边界的改变,须依法律规定得到相关区域内居民的同意。

第八章 宪法的施行与修改

第一百一十五条 本宪法经具有广泛代表性的制宪委员会起草,由过渡性最高国家权力机构交付国民投票,在过半数选民参与的投票中,经过半数投票赞成后通过,由过渡性最高权力机构公布后施行。 本宪法为国家最高法规,任何法律、行政法规、规章、地方性法规、条例、命令及处分均不得与之相抵触。

第一百一十六条 本宪法的修改,须经国会两院各由全体议员三分之二以上赞成,由国会创议,向国民提出,并在得到国民批准后生效。此种批准须于特别国民公投或国会规定的选举时,得到全体选民的半数以上投票赞成。 国民投票前须将宪法修正案公布60日以上。 由总统提出的修宪议案, 国会应予讨论和议决。同一内容之修宪议案,总统不得于两年内再次提出。

第一百一十七条 本宪法中的民主、法治及共和原则,不得作为修宪之对象。

第九章 其他规定

第一百一十八条 中华统一共和国首都由法律规定,此项法律一经制定,其修改须遵循本宪法第一百一十六条规定的修宪程序。

第一百一十九条 中华统一共和国国旗、国徽、国歌由法律规定。

第一百二十条 就重大国家事务举行全民公决的事项、方式和程序,由法律规定。

第一百二十一条 本宪法的生效,不影响香港特别行政区、澳门特别行政区在立法、行政、司法等内部事务上的既有自治权限。

第一百二十二条 台湾、澎湖、金门及马祖地区居民参与国家政治事务的方式,在两岸进行政治谈判后,通过适当的立法程序予以确定。

第一百二十三条 中华统一共和国一切立法机构成员及一切行政、司法官员,均应宣誓遵守和效忠本宪法,但不得要求以宗教誓言作为担任任何公职的必要条件。

第一百二十四条 普遍公认的国际法原则、准则和中华统一共和国批准的国际条约是中华统一共和国法律体系的组成部分,并在效力上优先于国内法律。 国际条约若含有与本宪法相抵触的条款,则须在宪法修改后方可施行。

第一百二十五条 军队和军人负有保卫国土安全与完整的神圣使命,并必须在国内政治上保持中立。

第一百二十六条 外国人的地位和权利,依国际法及有关国际条约的规定予以保障。

第十章 过渡条款

第一百二十七条 自中华统一共和国国会第一次召集会议时起,法律只能由本宪法规定的立法机关制定。

第一百二十八条 中华统一共和国国会第一次召集会议前颁布的法律,如不与本宪法相抵触,则继续有效。 就法律是否继续有效产生争议时,由宪法审判委员会予以裁决。

第一百二十九条 继续有效的法律规定中包含有颁布行政法规、一般行政管理或实施具体行政行为的授权时,此等授权转移给今后主管该类事项的机关。有疑问时,由总统与国会协商解决。

第一百三十条 中华人民共和国缔结的国际条约,如根据一般法律原则应有效的或应继续有效的,则在本宪法规定的国家机关缔结新条约或者该条约依有关条款规定终止前继续有效,但应保留各有关方的一切权利和异议。

第一百三十一条 中华人民共和国的财产原则上成为中华统一共和国的财产。 如中华人民共和国的财产依其原来目的主要用于公共管理和公共服务之任务,而依本宪法此项任务不属中央政府之任务时,则财产应无偿移转给今后承担此类任务的主管机关。如有关任务今后由各省、自治区、直辖市或特别行政区负责执行的,此项财产的使用有助于此项任务且不只是临时性的,则应将此项财产无偿移转给各省、自治区、直辖市或特别行政区。 国家得基于属地原则、公平原则及地区均衡原则,将财产移转给各省、自治区、直辖市和特别行政区。 得以法律就此进行具体规定。

第一百三十二条 本宪法施行时在职之公务员、公共服务机构工作人员和公营企业管理人员,本宪法未以明示或默示方式否认其相应地位者,除法律另有规定外,其地位不因本宪法之施行而自然丧失。 前款规定之人员,在依本宪法选出或任命其后任时,其地位自然丧失。此时,前任者的任期至继任者就任前一日止。

第一百三十三条 在本宪法施行后,中华统一共和国第一届国会和第一任总统、副总统的选举,可适用由制宪委员会起草并由过渡性最高国家权力机构颁布的选举法令。 制宪委员会于本宪法公布时解散。过渡性最高国家权力机构于中华统一共和国第一届国会首次集会时解散。



GOOGLE TRANSLATION OF CHINESE TEXT: [editor's note]


Initiate the national constitutional procedure as early as possible, and strive to achieve a peaceful political transformation

-to all the delegates who will attend the third session of the 13th National People's Congress

Dear delegates,

Hello.

My name is Zhang Xuezhong and I am an ordinary Chinese citizen living in Shanghai. When you attend the third session of the 13th National People's Congress on May 22, 2020, this new crown epidemic may not be over. I hope you can take the necessary protective measures and wish you safety and health, just like I wish all People who need to go out to work or study during the epidemic are the same.


Although I don’t know you, I know that many of you have achieved outstanding results in your work, so I admire you very much. However, admiration for your personal performance does not mean that I recognize your legitimacy as a representative of the Chinese people. For the following two main reasons, I don’t think you are the legitimate representatives of the Chinese people, nor do I think that the National People’s Congress is a legitimate representative body:


First, you are not representatives (presenters) freely elected by the Chinese people. The modern political representative system is based on the principle of national sovereignty. Although the representatives who form the national representative body should have a certain independence from the voters when exercising their powers, that is, when conducting deliberations and decisions, their representative powers must be derived from the grant and delegation of nationals. Therefore, it [the congress] must be produced through regular, free and competitive elections. But your representative status was not obtained through fair elections. In fact, no such elections exist in our country.


In addition, real representative institutions must go through the necessary debate procedures when making public decisions. This not only helps to understand the pros and cons of the relevant legislation and policies, so as to improve the level of public decision-making, but also protects the people's right to know the decision-making process and content. But for so many years, people have never seen you debate policy issues. Your performance in meetings is more like a machine that only knows how to raise your hand, rather than a serious and devoted representative.

Second, the current "Constitution" is the basis for the NPC to produce and exercise its powers, but it is not a real constitution at all. The modern constitution is a legal document that implements national sovereignty. On the one hand, national sovereignty means that all nationals are the highest political power holders in a country. On the other hand, a large number of scattered and resident nationals, in fact, cannot personally and directly conduct state governance, so it is necessary to create a representative government and select government officials to carry out daily governance. It is this state of separation of sovereignty and governance that makes the constitution a necessity: all citizens formulate a written constitution to create, restrict, regulate and restrict government agencies and their powers, and then follow the constitution's established procedures to select, supervise and control government officials.


The Constitution should be the product of the political will of all the people, and the writing and immobilization of the national political will. When all the citizens as sovereigns cannot directly be present, it replaces all the citizens in the community’s political sphere and oversees, supervises and warns all public institutions and public officials with their supreme legal authority to promote the latter’s imperative. Don’t forget your responsibilities and don’t abuse your power.

Since the Constitution should reflect the political will of all citizens, its formulation and revision must include the link of national participation, and is a decisive and authoritative link. Such participation can be direct, for example, a referendum is used to determine whether a draft constitution or a constitutional amendment will take effect; it can also be indirect, for example, for all citizens to choose [when] a special constitution-making conference is issued and the latter is authorized to directly formulate or amend the constitution. The key point here is that government institutions (including legislative bodies) that cannot be created by the Constitution become the authoritative institutions for making or amending the Constitution. In other words, the power to formulate the constitution (constitutional power) and the power created by the constitution (constitutional power) must be separated, otherwise, the constitution cannot play the role of restricting, regulating and restricting the government power (constitutional power) effect.


However, the formulation of the current "Constitution" in our country does not include procedures for national participation. The National People’s Congress, which originally formulated it, was not freely elected by all citizens, and therefore was not a legitimate representative body that could implement the political will of all citizens. Moreover, the National People’s Congress is not a special constitution-making institution, but a constitutional institution that generates and exercises power in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, and an absurd vicious circle has emerged: on the one hand, the National People’s Congress is a daily, ordinary [body]. The legislature (one of the branches of government) must be regulated by the Constitution in its production and operation; on the other hand, it is the creator of the Constitution and can make and amend the Constitution on its own. In this way, the National People's Congress is created by the Constitution and the Constitution, just like a person is the father and son of another person at the same time! Moreover, the Constitution was originally used by all citizens to bind to all government agencies (including legislative bodies), but if ordinary legislative bodies can formulate and amend the Constitution on their own, such a binding effect is completely lost.


In addition, the current "Constitution" on the one hand stipulates that "all power belongs to the people", and on the other hand it stipulates the permanent leadership of a single political party, which is also paradoxical: if all power belongs to the people, the people have no obligation to accept a certain [party]. The leadership of political parties; and if the people must accept the leadership of a political party, it is impossible to say that all power belongs to the people. Leadership above all power is like a stone larger than the largest stone, which is simply ridiculous.

If you don't consider the "Government Covenant" and the constitutions of the states of the United States under Cromwell's rule, the United States Federal Constitution is the first formal modern written constitution in human history. With the successful implementation of this Constitution, more and more people began to realize the role of the Constitution in restricting government power and guaranteeing the rights of citizens. Many countries have also begun to imitate the United States and formulate their own constitutions based on similar political principles. The country's constitutional system.

In this process, the "constitution" gradually became a very positive term, even those regimes that did not completely agree with modern political principles (these political principles are inseparable from the concept of modern constitutions), began to concoct Constitution "documents". The first thing to do in some authoritarian monarchies (such as Prussia in the nineteenth century): the monarch, as the supreme sovereign, gave the citizens a "constitution" that embodied the monarch's will. Later, some countries that monopolized all political power from a single party did the same (such as the former Soviet Union and the current North Korea): the ruling party imposed a "Constitution" reflecting the will of the party on the people, and stipulated in the "Constitution" its own permanent ruling status. These things are called "pseudo-constitutions" in professional constitutional science, because they just cover up the authoritarian regime that is incompatible with modern constitutions with the term "constitution".

Unfortunately, the current "constitution" of our country is a pseudo-constitution. The Constitution should be a manifestation of the political will of all the people who do not directly govern, rather than a certain monarch or a certain political party. One of the basic functions of the Constitution is to ensure the continuous production and replacement of the state power. It is to provide clear and stable principles and institutional frameworks for daily political competition and policy formation, thereby enabling peaceful domestic political competition and realizing the community.


Civilization of political life.

The Constitution is a means of legalizing political activities. Its role is not to eliminate political activities, but to regulate political activities, and make all kinds of political differences and disputes can be resolved or dealt with within the principles and frameworks recognized by all parties, so that governance based on reasoning can be implemented ( government by discussion). Under the constitutional framework, people no longer use force as a means to seize power. The losing party will not only be eliminated, but also have the opportunity to win back in the future. The principles and framework provided by the Constitution for the settlement of political disputes enable seekers of various beliefs and interests to experience a certain sense of commonality and belonging, thus helping to maintain the unity of the political community and continuously strengthen it. The unity and harmony of the whole society.

To do this, the constitutional constraints on the ruling power must be complete and comprehensive, that is, the entire process of the creation, operation, and replacement of the ruling power must be regulated. If a monarch or a political party can impose a "constitution" on a country and use the "constitution" to permanently monopolize political power, it means that they have mastered the power before the constitution, and they must have an organized armed force. However, in this way, their rule after the "Constitution" was formulated is not based on the "Constitution", but only on the use of force. Such a “constitution” simply cannot impose a thorough and comprehensive restriction on power, but it can only be the object of use, neglect, contempt, and arbitrary changes by those in power. Such a "constitution" is of course only a false constitution, but a pseudo-constitution.

Fellow deputies, just as you are not the real representatives of the people, the current "Constitution" is not a real constitution. It is not a fundamental law used by the Chinese people to create and regulate government power, but only an operation manual used by the ruling party to form and run its own power. We might as well do a thought experiment. If the Republican Party of the United States cooperates with the army, abolish the federal constitution and democratic system, and establish a one-party regime supported by the army and police that does not allow any political competition: (1) this regime can be ruler by continuously issuing special decrees; (2 ) But for efficiency and convenience, it can also formulate a "Regulations on the Formation and Operation of Republican Permanent Regimes"; (3) In order to make the regime look like a modern regime, it can also name this regulation "People's Republic of America" constitution". But who can deny that this so-called "Constitution" and the abolished US Federal Constitution are two fundamentally different things?

It is impossible for a country to modernize its political system and social governance through a pseudo-constitution. A politically modern country is one in which citizens ’rights are reliably guaranteed. But in our country, people are not only deprived of their right to participate in politics, they cannot freely elect government officials at all levels, and they also lack effective protection of property rights and personal rights. For example, the original completely legal private residential area, just because the government issued a new planning plan, turned into an illegal building that must be demolished overnight; the public authority can use the name of anti-crime to abuse the enterprise at will. Legal property; in some places, the government even forcefully and savagely removes the tombs of people ’s ancestors, or dismantles crosses in legally built churches ... Another example is that since the law petition system, petition should be a Citizen's Right, but the actual situation is that local governments often appoint interceptors to limit the personal freedom of petitioners; in recent years, more and more people have been summoned, detained and sentenced for making statements on the Internet; In many so-called "sensitive" cases, the parties are not only convicted by words, but even the right to normally entrust a lawyer to defend and obtain a public trial cannot be guaranteed ...

When citizens ’rights cannot be implemented through a true constitution and government powers cannot be constrained through a true constitution, people’s livelihood cannot be valued by the government. Although the government has imposed a very high tax burden on the people, the resulting fiscal revenue must first meet the needs of officials at all levels and be included in the private bag by all kinds of oversight, ways and means. In normal countries, social welfare expenditures in government budgets are given priority to people with financial difficulties, while in our country, they are given priority to those with power. In many places, the salaries of public servants are originally several times that of employees of enterprises, and they usually enjoy more generous benefits than the latter. The pension they receive after retirement is also several times the latter. Not to mention the shocking corruption and waste at all levels of government. The entire bureaucracy and civil servants are no longer like public servants serving the people, but more like monsters that devour social wealth without a bottom line.

The outbreak of the new coronavirus epidemic has caused great impact on the lives of people in various countries and brought great difficulties. Most people have not made psychological and financial preparations in advance. Under such circumstances, it is a common practice for elected governments in many countries to allocate some of the money from the finances at all levels to the people to help them overcome the difficulties. However, in our country, the government that shouts "ruling for the people" all day long does not want to do so. Why is this happening? Because it is too difficult for all levels of government and various government goalkeepers to get the fat out. Relatively speaking, it is easier to ignore the needs and demands of the people, because government officials at all levels are not elected by the people and do not need to seek the authorization of the people. Civil rights have not been implemented, but people's livelihood can be valued [taken/removed?] by the government. Such a situation has never been seen in China and abroad.

Since a modern constitution has not been established through a real constitution, China's social governance is still in a very backward state. The widespread corruption of government officials, the general lack of justice, the general deterioration of the natural environment, the repeated occurrence of food, medicine, and vaccine safety accidents, the excessively rapid rise in prices relative to the income of residents, the deficit and untrustworthiness in the field of social security, business increasingly difficult, and the increasingly difficult employment of urban and rural residents, including college graduates, have all seriously weakened the national happiness and security, and made everyone feel confused and anxious about the future. In my opinion, the root cause of these crises is the political system where power is monopolized by a few people. In this pre-modern system, the power of public officials lacks the minimum restrictions and constraints, which makes them abuse their power for their own self-interest and at the same time neglect to fulfill the vital interests of the public and even the safety of life. Irresponsibility, the widespread corruption of officials and the collapse of social governance have therefore become inevitable results.

The outbreak and spread of the epidemic can explain the problem very well. When responding to public health crises, full and timely information disclosure can help the public to make safe and reasonable behavior choices and living arrangements, so it is extremely critical to prevent the escalation of the crisis. However, the logic of information disclosure for responding to crises reasonably is completely opposite and incompatible with the logic of social control in pre-modern regimes. Judging from the existing public reports, the Wuhan local government not only concealed the epidemic from the public for a long time, but also severely suppressed citizens who disclosed the epidemic information. Since January 3, 2020, foreign affairs agencies have frequently notified the U.S. government of the epidemic, but the disease control department has not notified the people of the country at the same time: Such an irresponsible attitude towards the safety of the lives of their people is rare in the world!

On the other hand, for a long time after the earliest known cases appeared, there were few independent professional media to investigate and report on the outbreak, nor did medical professionals provide independent professional advice to the public. Neither did we see public welfare organizations play a role. This is not to say that China does not have good journalists, good doctors, or citizens who love public welfare; it only shows that the government's long-term tight control of society and people has almost completely destroyed the organization and self-help capabilities of Chinese society. In the 22 days before the closure of the city, Wuhan was still investigating and punishing citizens who had disclosed the epidemic (including Dr. Li Wenliang, who had unfortunately passed away), showing how tight and arbitrary the government's suppression of society is.

After the epidemic broke out in Wuhan, the local government's inefficiency, incompetence, and catharsis were also attracting worldwide attention. After the "closure of the city" in Wuhan, a large number of suspected patients could not be detected and effectively isolated in a timely manner, and a large number of actual infected persons could not be treated in a timely manner. When the frontline medical staff took great risks to fight the epidemic, the governments at all levels who usually brag about their achievements could not provide them with the minimum logistics support. During the duration of the epidemic, the governments of various regions took advantage of the neighbors' separatist "self-protection" actions and intercepted each other's materials; a large number of human rights violations occurred in various places; and countless humanitarian disasters throughout the epidemic area, which fully demonstrated: Both in terms of national construction and social governance, it was a complete failure.

At present, China urgently needs to replace the current extremely backward and unjust pre-modern regime with modern political regimes including national sovereignty, social autonomy, political party competition, decentralization, judicial independence, and press freedom to implement civil rights and guarantee people's livelihood, and realize the peaceful transformation of national politics and the modernization of social governance. This means that it is necessary to replace the current pseudo-constitution with a true constitution that reflects the political will of all the people.

Fellow deputies, although I cannot recognize your legitimacy as a people ’s representative [congress] based on my own political beliefs, I also believe that you have formed a de facto state authority, so you can start the national constitutional process for China. China ’s political transformation and modernization have made significant and historic contributions. Here, as a member of Chinese citizens, I would like to make the following suggestions to you:

(1) Although the National People's Congress is unjustified as a regular and ordinary legislative body, it can transform itself into a special body that initiates the country's political transformation, and the special body's main job is to formulate election rules and appointments, neutral and impartial election committee, and appoint the committee to organize free, universal and direct elections to produce a new national representative body. The representative body is the highest authority in the transition period (hereinafter referred to as "the highest transitional authority").

(2) The highest transitional authority has the right to form the highest administrative institution during the transition period, and appoint officials of the institution, as well as the necessary reforms to the judicial institutions at all levels.

(3) The highest transitional authority has the power to promulgate the necessary decree, complete the election of local representative institutions at all levels, and produce local administrative institutions at all levels.

(4) As soon as the highest transitional authority is born, it should create a broadly representative constitution drafting committee as soon as possible, and appoint the committee to draft a draft constitution that conforms to modern political principles. After the draft constitution is drafted, it should be submitted to the highest transitional body for voting. If the vote is not passed, it should be sent back to the Constitution Drafting Committee for revision. If the vote is passed, the national vote should be dealt with and implemented after the vote is passed.

(5) To create conditions for the election of the highest transitional authority, the National People's Congress as a special body should make a resolution to immediately release all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience.

(6) To create conditions for the election of the highest transitional authority, the National People's Congress, as a special body, should make a resolution to immediately open party bans and newspaper bans, allowing the people to freely associate and freely establish and operate news media.

(7) To create conditions for the election of the highest transitional authority, the National People's Congress, as a special body, should make a resolution stipulating that no political party can enjoy the status of a national public service institution and any member of the political party can no longer enjoy the treatment of a public official.

(8) When the supreme transitional authority meets for the first time, the National People's Congress as a special agency shall be dissolved. When the national representative bodies produced under the new constitution meet for the first time, the highest transitional authority is dissolved.

Distinguished delegates, when you start a meeting on the 22nd of this month, you can walk through the field as before and become a prop that only knows how to raise your hands. But you can also choose to face up to the various disadvantages and crises of our country, shoulder a major historical responsibility, and create a new political situation for your country, so that your country has a better future. If you choose to do this, you will not, like the previous irresponsible deputies of the National People's Congress, be completely obliterated in the long river of history, but will be permanently recorded in the history book as a great pioneer of China's constitutional system: your name will be permanently remembered by future generations, and your achievements will be permanently felt by future generations.

It is universally recognized that all citizens, not a certain person or a certain group of people, are the holders of constitutional power. However, any person or part of people who have their own thoughts and ideas about the constitutional arrangements of their country can submit them to all citizens for consideration and reference in a way that they deem appropriate. The individual citizens' right to make recommendations on constitutional affairs not only does not infringe the constitutional rights of all citizens, but is more conducive to the exercise and realization of the constitutional rights. Based on this consideration, I will submit the "Draft Constitution of the United Republic of China" (scholar's recommended draft) that I have compiled as an annex to this letter for possible reference. At the same time, the contents of the draft are briefly described as follows (If necessary, I can provide more detailed interpretation of the provisions):

(1) The "Draft Constitution of the United Republic of China" is abbreviated as "Eighteen Constitution Draft". In addition to the preamble, it is divided into "Basic Rights", "Congress", "President", "Court", "Constitutional Trial Committee", and "Electoral Administration" ”,“ Local autonomy ”,“ enforcement and amendment of the Constitution ”,“ other provisions ”and“ transitional clauses ”, a total of 133 articles. The draft takes full account of the actual situation in various aspects of the country, and draws on the strengths of the constitutional theory and practice of various countries and regions in order to not only respect and adapt to the reality of the country, but also strive to ensure the rationality and perfection of the draft itself.

(2) Under the premise of implementing modern political principles such as democracy, the rule of law, and decentralization, the draft respects and accommodates existing rules, practices, and administrative divisions as much as possible to avoid people having to accept and adapt to too many strange things at the same time. If some of the existing technical arrangements are not adequate and reasonable, you can wait for the operation of the new constitution to stabilize and then calmly improve it under a relatively mature constitutional framework.

(3) The draft adopts the country name of "United Republic of China" (which can be translated into United Republic of China) because the word "unification" can take into account the fact that the main body of the country has always adopted a single system and can accommodate different regions [and] different situations, especially the difference in relationship and authority between them and the central government. In the case of a new country composed of multiple originally independent political entities, the adoption of the federal system is a more appropriate choice; while in a country that originally implemented a single system, the rash use of the federal system is likely to lead to the relationship [breakdown] between the central and local. Disorder may even cause unpredictable political turmoil. In the latter case, the safer option is to strengthen and expand local autonomy while continuing the unitary system.

From the perspective of the constitutional practice of various countries, the distinction between federalism and unitary system has been relatively reversible: in the federal system, there has been a trend of strengthening central authority, and in the unitary system, there has been a trend of expanding local autonomy. The difference is getting smaller. The internal driving force and political principle of this trend are: within a constitutional framework of democracy and the rule of law, the distribution of various government powers will gradually become reasonable through continuous adjustments, thus making different powers gradually belong to the most suitable for exercising them [in different] levels and institutions. The expression in Article 72, paragraph 2, of the French Constitution exemplifies this principle: "For all matters that can exercise power in the best way at its level, local organizations have to make their own decisions."

(4) Regarding the superiority and inferiority of the presidential system and the parliamentary cabinet system, there is currently no research conclusion that can be generally accepted by the people. Judging from the political practice of various countries, different countries mostly choose between the two based on their historical traditions and reality. The draft adopts a presidential system, which respects traditional habits and national psychology, and also expects that the administrative branch of the government will maintain the necessary stability and efficiency in the future. The "presidential system" implemented in Taiwan, and the chief executive system implemented in Hong Kong and Macau, provide a relatively cordial and familiar reference resource for implementing the presidential system nationwide. In contrast, we Chinese are even more unfamiliar with and unsuited to the practice of the parliamentary cabinet system. However, while adopting the presidential system, a series of system settings stipulated in the draft can also constitute effective constraints on the power of the president to avoid a situation of personal dictatorship.

(5) A good constitution should of course conform to modern political principles such as democracy, the rule of law, and decentralization, but it should not only be a general declaration of these principles, but should be implemented and internalized into specific system design. And going [on] to the institutional setting. The draft pays special attention to the operability and normative role of the Constitution as the fundamental law of the country, so as to ensure that once the Constitution is implemented, people can follow the relevant provisions to form the necessary state organs smoothly, and can define their respective authorities more clearly.

(6) In the process of transition from the pre-modern system to the modern system, there will be many problems left over from history that need to be resolved. Dealing with these issues fairly and reasonably can win the approval and support of as many people as possible for the system transformation. Therefore, the draft has a dedicated chapter on "transition clauses" to ensure the smooth and smooth transition process.

(7) The most important point is that the draft particularly emphasizes respect and protection of individual rights. In today’s China, the general corruption of government agencies and the overall defeat of social governance are, from one perspective, due to the lack of restrictions and constraints on public power, and from another perspective, due to the lack of respect and protection of individual rights. In order to change the political tradition of not respecting individual rights, the draft first listed "protecting individual freedom" as the primary value of the existence of the new system and new government in the preamble, and then detailed the basic rights of the citizens in Chapter I. Article 1 of the draft also draws on the content of Article 1 of the German Basic Law, stipulates "respect and protection of human dignity" as an obligation of all state powers, and regards basic rights as laws that effectively restrict legislation, administration and justice. The German Basic Law particularly emphasizes the importance of human dignity and basic rights. This is not only a reflection on the massive violations and abuses of human rights by the Nazi regime, but also a vigilance and precaution against similar situations in the future. As far as the violation and abuse of human rights by state power is concerned, we Chinese have too many painful lessons, so it is also necessary to take special precautions against this.

(8) Finally, it should be emphasized that anyone who wants to find particularly novel content in this draft will be disappointed. Because, in the process of compiling this draft, innovation has never been the goal pursued by the editor. In order to compile this draft constitution, the writers not only examined the constitutional practice of the country since the end of the Qing Dynasty, but also studied the texts, theories, and practices of constitutions in nearly 30 countries. In order to learn from the experience and lessons of predecessors and other countries. Whether it is the overall structure of the entire draft or the specific provisions of each article, it is only trying to pursue the content itself to be reasonable, appropriate and safe. If there are provisions in the constitutions of other countries that are particularly well-prepared and fit the actual situation in China, the editors even prefer to copy them intact. As far as the compilation of this draft is concerned, the editor's main goal, or even the only goal, is to make it as close as possible to the practical needs of China in establishing a modern political system.

Fellow deputies, the above are my real thoughts on the current "Constitution", the current administrative system, the social status quo, and the best way for China's political modernization. Although I express my personal views in the most frank manner, I have no intention to offend anyone, nor do I want to impose my views on anyone. My opinion cannot be all right, it may be all wrong, more likely some are wrong, and some are right; but whether it is right or wrong, as a member of Chinese citizens, I treat myself to public affairs, Thinking about the results and submitting them to a group of people called "people's representatives" for review and reference should not be considered particularly inappropriate.

I sincerely wish you all good health and a happy life.

张雪忠

2020年5月9日

Attachment: "Draft Constitution of the United Republic of China (Scholar's Proposal)"

Draft Constitution of the United Republic of China (Scholar's Recommendation)

Based on the general principle that all state powers should come from the solemn entrustment of the nationals and be exercised by representatives formally elected by the nationals, and their interests should be shared by the nationals, all our nationals, in order to implement democratic politics, establish a country ruled by law and prevent autocracy and dictatorship. To form a stable and efficient government to protect individual freedom, enhance social well-being, maintain domestic peace, promote international peace, and specially enact the Constitution of the United Republic of China.

Chapter One Basic Rights

Article 1 Human dignity is inviolable. Respecting and protecting human dignity is the duty of all state power. Fundamental rights are the norms that effectively restrict legislation, administration and justice.

Article 2 The right to life, body and the pursuit of happiness shall not be violated. Personal freedom is inviolable. Intervention of such rights must be carried out in accordance with the law.

Article 3 Nationals are equal in law. In political, economic, and social relations, it is not allowed to be treated differently based on gender, race, belief, political opinion, birth place, origin, or property status. No one shall be discriminated against because of disability. Guarantee and promote equality between men and women. Nationals have the right to determine and indicate their national identity. No one may be forced to choose and declare his national identity. Respect and guarantee the equal status and rights of ethnic minorities. Respect, guarantee and promote the diversity of language and cultural life.

Article 4 Freedom of thought and conscience is inviolable. Freedom of religious belief is inviolable. The state respects and protects religious activities, but it shall not grant any privilege to any religious group. The state shall not engage in religious education and any other religious activities.

Article 5 Nationals enjoy freedom of speech and freedom to obtain information in the usual way. Guarantee the freedom of press and publication and the freedom of reporting in media such as radio, television, movies, and websites. Content review is prohibited in advance. For the legitimate purposes of protecting the reputation and privacy of young people and individuals, the rights stipulated in the preceding paragraph can be restricted by general law to guarantee freedom of art, research and teaching. Intellectual property rights such as patents, trademarks, and copyrights are protected by law.

Article 6 Nationals enjoy the right to peaceful assembly without arms. No prior application or approval is required for the assembly. Laws may be enacted or regulated and restricted in accordance with the law.

Article 7 Nationals have the right to form associations. The internal order of political parties must conform to democratic principles. Political parties must publish the status of their property and the source and use of funds. The law restricts the right of judges, active duty soldiers, police officers and policemen, diplomatic missions and consulates abroad to participate in political parties. The right of citizens to protect and improve labor and economic conditions is guaranteed. Agreements that restrict or hinder this right are invalid, and the measures taken for this are illegal. For professional groups that are professional or public, the law provides for mandatory establishment and mandatory entry into the system. It may enact laws or restrict and regulate the exercise of the right to strike in accordance with the law.

Article 8 Reputation and privacy are protected by law. Communication secrets are inviolable. This right can only be restricted by law. The house is inviolable. Not authorized by law, and holding orders issued in accordance with legal procedures and legitimate reasons, shall not enter and search the house, nor search or detain anyone ’s documents or articles, but when the owner, document or article holder agrees and arrests the current criminal except. Other necessary exceptions can be stipulated by law.

Article 9 Nationals enjoy freedom of movement. For public safety and welfare, or for the purpose of protecting minors, laws may be enacted or restricted in accordance with the law. Nationals enjoy the freedom to travel abroad, emigrate abroad, and renounce their nationality. The acquisition and loss of nationality are regulated by law. The reasons and procedures for restricting exit to protect the fulfillment of legal obligations shall be prescribed by law. The state protects expatriates residing abroad according to law.

Article 10 Nationals have the right to freely choose occupations and jobs. It may enact laws or regulate professional behavior in accordance with the law.

Article 11 The property rights shall not be violated. Protect property inheritance rights. The content and restrictions of property rights are prescribed by law. To the extent permitted by law, land and other natural resources can be privately owned. The conditions, methods, scope and restrictions on the use of land and other natural resources are prescribed by law. The exercise of property rights shall not violate the public interest. Property can only be expropriated when it is in the public interest and is properly compensated. The expropriation of property must be carried out in the manner prescribed by law.

Article 12 Nationals shall enjoy the minimum right to health and cultural life that is compatible with the degree of social development. Guarantee and promote social welfare and public health. The natural environment should be protected. The protection scope and methods of scenic spots, historical heritage and cultural heritage shall be prescribed by law.

Article 13 guarantees the citizens' right to education. Compulsory education is free. The right to open private schools is guaranteed. The establishment of private schools must meet the conditions stipulated by law and obtain state permission. The teaching purpose, teaching facilities and teachers of private schools are not lower than those of public schools.

Article 14 Nationals enjoy the right to work. The basic standards concerning wages, working hours, vacations and other working conditions shall be prescribed by law. All acts of child labor that are harmful to children's health and personality development and perfected are prohibited.

Article 15 Marriage and family are protected by the state. Marriage and family laws must be formulated on the basis of respect for personal dignity and equality of spouses. Raising and educating children is the right and duty of parents. Children born out of wedlock enjoy the same status and rights as children born in wedlock.

Article 16 The selection and removal of civil servants are the inherent rights of citizens. All civil servants serve all the people, not a part of them. Citizens who have reached the age of 18 must not be deprived or restricted of their voting rights because of their age. The elector ’s choice of voting shall not be held accountable in any way. If necessary, the right to be elected by public officials, public service employees, military personnel in service and judges can be restricted by law.

Article 17: Damages caused by civil servants ’illegal acts may, in accordance with the provisions of the law, request compensation from the state or public agencies.

Article 18 Nationals have the right to make peaceful petitions individually or jointly with others. No one should be treated differently for making such a petition.

Article 19 No one shall be deprived of the right to stand trial in the court. Only in accordance with the law can a court be established to hear specialized cases. No special courts or special courts may be established. The administrative organ shall not carry out the trial as the final trial. The jury system is prescribed by law.

Article 20 Without due process stipulated by law, no one shall be deprived of his life, freedom or property, and no other penalty shall be imposed. Anyone who is not found guilty by an effective court judgment is innocent. Before abolishing the death penalty, the law should stipulate that the death penalty as an extreme punishment measure is only applicable to serious violent crimes that murder the lives of others.

Article 21 In criminal cases, the parties have the right to defend themselves and to entrust a lawyer to defend themselves, to fully question witnesses, to use public funds and to seek witnesses for themselves by means of statutory coercion, and the right to a prompt and fair trial by the court . Except for being arrested as a current offender, no person may be arrested without an arrest order issued by the competent judicial authority and expressing the cause of the crime. It is possible to stipulate other necessary emergency arrest situations by law. In any case, the temporary detention before obtaining the arrest warrant shall not exceed 48 hours. The detained person shall not be physically or mentally abused. No one may be forced to make a statement against him. Forced, tortured, or threatened confession, or confession made in an illegal state of detention, shall not be used as evidence. Extorting a confession by torture is absolutely prohibited. No criminal responsibility shall be investigated for acts that were lawful at the time of implementation. Criminal liability shall not be repeatedly investigated for the same act.

Chapter II Congress

Article 22 The Congress is composed of the House of Representatives and the Senate and exercises national legislative power. Members of the House of Representatives are elected by universal, direct, free, equal, and secret elections. They are representatives of all citizens and are not subject to any entrustment or instructions. They exercise representative responsibilities only by their own conscience and judgment.

Article 23 The number of members of the House of Representatives shall not exceed 500. The number of members of the House of Representatives is distributed to all provinces, autonomous regions, municipalities and special administrative regions according to the proportion of the population, but each province, autonomous region, municipality or special administrative region should have at least one quota. The time limit and method for reallocation of parliamentary seats based on data obtained from demographic statistics shall be prescribed by law. The allocation of the first House of Representatives election according to this Constitution is as follows: 20 in Anhui Province; 12 in Fujian Province; 35 in Guangdong Province; 9 in Gansu Province; 12 in Guizhou Province; 24 in Hebei Province; 19 in Hubei Province; 13 in Heilongjiang; 3 in Hainan; 32 in Henan; 22 in Hunan; 9 in Jilin; 26 in Jiangsu; 15 in Jiangxi; 15 in Liaoning; 2 in Qinghai; 27 in Sichuan; 32 in Shandong Province; 12 in Shanxi Province; 13 in Shaanxi Province; 15 in Yunnan Province; 18 in Zhejiang Province; 16 in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region; 8 in Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region; 3 in Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region; 7 in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region; Tibet 1 from the autonomous region; 7 from Beijing; 10 from Chongqing; 8 from Shanghai; 5 from Tianjin; 1 from Macau Special Administrative Region; 3 from Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

Article 24 For the purpose of the election of the House of Representatives, as long as it does not conflict with laws and resolutions passed by the Congress, each province, autonomous region, municipality and special administrative region may conduct constituency division and quota allocation within their respective jurisdictions. Congress may determine and change such division and distribution at any time by law or resolution.

Article 25 The House of Representatives election and the presidential election shall be conducted in the same year and shall be completed before the scheduled date of appointment of the newly elected president. The law stipulates the specific date for the first election of the new congress and the inauguration of the newly elected president.

Article 26 The term of office of the House of Representatives is four years and may be re-elected.

Article 27 Those who are under 25 years of age, who are citizens of their own country under seven years old or who were not elected residents of provinces, autonomous regions, municipalities directly under the Central Government or special administrative regions at the time of election shall not be members of the House of Representatives.

Article 28 The House of Representatives may elect and remove the Speaker and other staff members of the House, and may elect the provisional Speaker when the Speaker is absent from the meeting. The Speaker or Provisional Speaker does not have the right to vote, except when a proposal is passed by only one vote.

Article 29 The Senate is composed of two senators elected by each province, autonomous region, municipality directly under the Central Government and special administrative regions, and each senator has one vote.

Article 30 The term of a senator is six years, and he may be re-elected. Once the first members of the Senate elected in accordance with this Constitution meet, they should be divided into two groups with similar numbers as far as possible. The first group ends after three years, and the second group ends after six years, so that members can be elected every three years. Half of them.

Article 31 Those who are under the age of 30 and are not citizens of their own country for less than 9 years or who were not elected by the province, autonomous region, municipality or special administrative region when they were elected shall not be senators.

Article 32 The Vice President shall serve as the Chairman of the Senate. He shall have no right to vote except for the votes cast in favour of the senators present. The Senate may elect and remove other staff members of the Court, and may elect a temporary chairman when the vice president is absent or when he is exercising the presidency.

Article 33 If any member of the House of Representatives has a vacancy, the relevant constituency shall by-elect within 45 days after the vacancy occurs. By-laws and related matters can be regulated by law.

Article 34 No one may serve as a member of both houses. Members of the House of Representatives may not concurrently serve as administrative officials, judges or other public positions. Matters concerning the positions and conflicts of interest of members of the House of Representatives in the elections and appointments shall be prescribed by law.

Article 35 Members of both houses receive an appropriate amount of remuneration from the State Treasury in accordance with the law. Before the election of the new House of Representatives, any law that changes the remuneration of members of the House of Representatives from the two Houses of Parliament cannot take effect.

Article 36 Except as otherwise provided by law or as a current offender, during the session of the Congress, members of both houses shall not be arrested without the approval of their House of Representatives. Members of parliament who were arrested before the session should be released during the meeting at the request of their House of Representatives.

Article 37 The speeches and votes of members of the two chambers in the House of Representatives shall not be held accountable in any way outside the House.

Article 38 The two chambers each decide on a dispute concerning the qualifications of their members. However, to disqualify members of the parliament, there must be a resolution approved by a majority of more than two-thirds of the members present. The two chambers each formulate their own internal rules and rules of procedure, and may punish members of the parliament. However, expulsion of a parliamentary member must have a resolution in favour of more than two thirds of the members present.

Article 39 The two houses may supervise the work of the government and investigate specific matters in the work of the government, and may request relevant written materials, testimonies or confessions, and may also require witnesses to testify. The procedures for monitoring and investigating government work and other necessary matters are prescribed by law.

Article 40 When more than half of the members of the two chambers are present, they constitute a quorum for the work; when the quorum is insufficient, the meeting may be postponed, and the absent members may be forced to attend in accordance with the regulations and penalties of each chamber. In the deliberations of the two chambers, unless otherwise stipulated in this Constitution, the resolution shall be decided by the resolution of more than half of the members present. During the congressional meeting, one house may not adjourn the meeting for more than three days without the consent of the other house, and may not move the meeting place to another place. The procedures for convening the joint meeting of the two chambers, the scope of the proceedings and the effectiveness of the resolutions shall be prescribed by law.

Article 41 The meeting of the two chambers is an open meeting, but with the approval of a majority of more than two-thirds of the members present, a secret meeting may be held. The two chambers keep their meeting records, except for those in secret meeting records that specifically state that they need to be kept secret, they should be published in public and must be made public. At the request of more than one-fifth of the members present at the meeting, their votes must be recorded in the minutes of the meeting.

Article 42 Congress holds at least one regular meeting every year. The interim meeting shall be convened at the request of the President or more than a quarter of the members of any House. The President ’s request for an interim meeting should explain the reason and duration of the meeting. The duration of a regular meeting shall not exceed 120 days, and the duration of a temporary meeting shall not exceed 30 days. Allow the law to regulate matters related to regular meetings and ad hoc meetings.

Article 43 The draft law may be proposed by members of Congress, the President, and officials in charge of the executive branch of the President. The Supreme Court, the Constitutional Trial Commission and the Central Election Commission may submit draft laws on matters within their respective jurisdict