Candles in the wind (Oh!)
The winds of change are upon us, and upon CCP also. As much as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) wishes to control the narrative of events, whether it is Tiananmen 1989 or Hong Kong (HK) 2019, there is a collective memory and a collective will to keep truth alive. Repression has never worked and will not bring long term stability and prosperity.
The current realities of HK are unlawful and unacceptable to the majority of HK people who uphold the Joint Declaration and the rule OF law : CCP and the HK government are in breach of the Joint Declaration and the rule OF law on several counts.
Annually since 1990 HK has held a candlelight vigil commemoration for the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre. The event is organized by Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China and held in Victoria Park, Causeway Bay on 4 June. The only exceptions have been in 2020 and now 2021, with the event officially called off due to 'COVID-19 regulations'. Actually, in reality for both years there was neither threat, science nor legal justification under W.H.O. international treaty 'International Health Regulations' by which these bans on public gathering were justified.
Empty! Early evening Victoria Park, Causeway Bay 4 June 2021.
In 2021 Tiananmen massacre commemorations were held around the world ! The people of the world support the people of China in their struggle against totalitarian regime CCP!
Having lost ALL of our
FREEDOMS OF CIVIL LIBERTIES
thanks to the CCP
this is what happened in HK on 4 June 2021!
As predicted by artist / ex-teacher 'VAWongSir' this happened in Victoria Park, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong when police shutdown the 4 June 2021 candlelight vigil!
Hong Kong US Consulate wind (Oh)s early evening of 4 June 2021
Apple Daily 5 June 2021 wrote 'America will continue to stand shoulder to shoulder with those who pursue human rights in mainland China, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on the eve of the anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown.'
Hong Kong European Union Office wind (Oh)s early evening of 4 June 2021
Somewhere in HK evening of 4 June 2021
Reddit: u/miss_wolverine (origin: Stand News]
Police extinguishing memorial candles set out on street railings
Tiananmen Massacre Vigil Organizer Arrested as Hong Kong Marks Anniversary
RFA 4 June 2021
Chow Hang-tung is accused by police of encouraging people to defy a ban on a candlelight vigil in Victoria Park.
Police in Hong Kong on Friday arrested the head of a rights group that organized candlelight vigils commemorating the 1989 Tiananmen massacre for three decades, for "publicizing" the now-banned event. Chow Hang-tung, who heads the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China, was one of two people arrested for calling on others to join a banned vigil for the victims of the 1989 crackdown, when People's Liberation Army (PLA) troops mowed down mostly unarmed civilians with machine guns and tanks, ending weeks of peaceful protest on Tiananmen Square. A 20-year-old food delivery worker was also arrested. The pair were accused of publicizing the vigil, which has been banned by the authorities for two years running, on social media, detective senior superintendent Terry Law told reporters, but declined to give specific details. Chow's arrest came after she told RFA she personally planned to go to Victoria Park on Friday and light a candle to remember those who died in 1989. "I think lighting candles in Victoria Park shows that we haven't given up," she added. While Victoria Park remained empty of mourners and protesters, police gathered instead in large numbers on the park's soccer pitches on Friday, throwing several layers of security around the area. Local media said up to 7,000 officers were being deployed in case anyone tried to defy the ban. Some people left flowers and candles at the feet of the Goddess of Democracy statue on the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK) campus, while artists laid white mourning flowers in a road in the Causeway Bay shopping district to mark the 32nd anniversary of the massacre. Police have warned that anyone dressed in black, or anyone seen chanting slogans or lighting candles could be seen as breaking the ban. Support for allies grows Former pollster Robert Chung said the numbers of police were "overwhelming and unnecessary." "It is more likely to spark a backlash and push people away from any sense of patriotism," Chung said. Chung Kim-wah of the Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute (PORI) said Chow's arrest suggested the authorities are beginning to act in a more arbitrary manner. CUHK student activist Yuen Tak-chi said he would mark the massacre anniversary this year despite boycotting it in previous years because he believed Hong Kong's political struggles to be distinct from those of mainland China. But he said that, since the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) imposed a draconian national security law on Hong Kong from July 1, 2020, the city's concerns are now closely aligned with the mainland Chinese democracy movement. "We used to despise the June 4th vigil at Victoria Park. We thought it was pointless," Yuen said. "How could [the official verdict on the 1989 protests] ever be overturned?" "But this form of resistance we despised in the past has now become a red line under the national security law," Yuen said. He said the sacrifices made by mainland Chinese rights lawyers, some of whom lost their licenses for speaking out on behalf of the 12 Hong Kong activists detained and later jailed in Shenzhen, had made many in Hong Kong realize that they are all on the same side in the struggle against authoritarian government. "To mourn the victims of June 4 is to show support and respect for our allies, [China's] human rights lawyers," he said. Reported by Cheng Yut Yiu, Man Hoi Yan, Lau Siu Fung and Chan Yun Nam for RFA's Cantonese and Mandarin Services. Translated and edited by Luisetta Mudie.
Beyond amnesia: CCP’s attempt to legitimize June Fourth Massacre｜Kevin Carrico
Apple Daily 6 June 2021 (fromat added)
We generally think of the Chinese Communist Party’s approach to the events of 1989 as enforced forgetting: a state-sponsored project of amnesia.
This is undoubtedly true, yet the Party’s approach to 1989 extends beyond just forgetting the unforgettable to a growing impulse to justify the unjustifiable and legitimize the irreparably illegitimate: the decision by senior leaders of the Chinese Communist Party and the People’s Liberation Army to gun down innocent civilians on the streets of the nation’s capital on the evening of June 3 and 4, 1989.
On the one hand, the Party tells us that nothing worth remembering happened in Peking in June 1989. And yet, on the other hand, if anything did actually happen, what the People’s Liberation Army did put China on the correct path of stability and prosperity.
This narrative requires a reframing of the events of 1989 from the ruthless suppression of a nascent civil society by a corrupt aristocracy willing to do anything to stay in power to an origin myth for China’s reform-era economic miracle: this myth tells us that only by taking “resolute measures” in 1989 is China able to have the “stability” and “prosperity” that it enjoys today.
Origin myths reliably narrate not only the beginning of the world, but also the introduction of sin into the world: the two are after all inseparable insofar as such imperfection is necessary for the very existence of humanity.
Take, for example, the story of Adam and Eve, who by eating from the tree of knowledge introduced sin into the world: yet it is of course only by the introduction of such “sin” that the entire history of humanity unfolded, such that those who believe this myth owe their existence precisely to this sin.
A similar logic is apparent in the origin story of China’s “economic miracle.” The massacre of civilians in the streets of the nation’s capital in 1989 incorporated an unshakeable evil into the core of the regime’s power. And yet, the Party tell us, it was only by the introduction of this apparent evil that the stable and prosperous China that one knows (or at least imagines) today is able to exist: as if deep within the laws of economics there was some sort of secret conversion formula between human blood spilled and GDP growth.
The haunting specter of “anti-China forces” and their deployment of “instability” to “hinder China’s rise” forces citizens trapped within this discourse to make a fundamentally false choice between running over innocent civilians with tanks or allowing China to collapse into chaos:
I call this a false choice because anyone outside of this discourse can see that the economic growth of the past three decades is not in fact derived from this violence. The current dip in GDP, after all, will not be resolved by driving a few more tanks down Chang’an Avenue.
While it is impossible to know what the majority of people in China actually think about such matters on account of the numbing mix of indoctrination and surveillance that the Chinese Communist Party sees as its number one governance priority, I can say from experience that this narrative has a certain receptive (albeit also admittedly captive) audience in China today.
Scratch the surface of a regime-supporting nationalist questioning the Tiananmen Massacre by nitpicking about whether anyone in fact died on Tiananmen Square (short answer: yes, they did), and one will suddenly find a nationalist who sees it as his or her solemn patriotic duty to find excuses for the massacre of compatriots: a very curious form of nationalism, one might note.
The Chinese Communist Party thankfully abandoned its earlier failed project of redistributing wealth to realize a communist utopia, a project which led in reality to a leveling redistribution of poverty.
Yet it has not and indeed cannot abandon its far more insidious project of ideologically redistributing guilt for its crimes in 1989, by convincing people that the better-off lives that they lead today could only be built on the foundation of these crimes, such that people willingly buy into this cruelty: sympathy for and memorialization of the dead, a bond with one’s fellow countrymen and countrywomen killed in the most horrific of circumstances, are thereby imagined as an insidious foreign plot.
The result of this discursive construction would appear to be an endlessly self-reproducing cycle of one-party rule: any form of dissent is immediately smothered as a threat, and even the most horrid measures deployed to crush that dissent is legitimized in the service of the “collective good” of stability and prosperity.
And this is indeed how this cycle has functioned thus far. There is however no guarantee that this is how it will function in the future. The model’s weak point can be found in the simple fact that gunning down people in the streets is actually not a very effective way of handling complex social and political problems, of which China has many.
Despite its self-congratulatory narratives about stability, the CCP’s stability enforcement silences frank discussion of pressing issues. Such repression reliably produces a superficial image of stability, but below the surface, the issues reliably remain present, unresolved, and festering: the cover-up of COVID-19 in Wuhan, the concentration camp system in Xinjiang, and the escalating destruction of Hong Kong, for example, have all proceeded in accordance with this stability-minded model, and all have produced far more problems than they have resolved.
Peking has thus perfected the ideological legitimation of one-party rule, to the point that many citizens actually buy into its bloody origin myth of the need for resolute measures to ensure “stability” and their prosperity.
Yet we must not confuse such ideological legitimation with actual legitimacy, which is something that a one-party state can never achieve in today’s world. Any government that would like to build a foundation for social stability and lasting rule, after all, would be well-advised to seek out more sustainable paths for conflict resolution than extreme violence.
Today, on the thirty-second anniversary of the Tiananmen Massacre, the Chinese Communist Party believes that its strength lies in having built a model that does not require the exploration of political alternatives: ironically, I propose that this belief in its own strength will end up being the system’s greatest and most likely fatal weakness.
(Kevin Carrico is Senior Lecturer in Chinese Studies at Monash University and the author of the forthcoming Two Systems Two Countries: A Nationalist Guide to Hong Kong)
What Tiananmen Square Can Teach Us About COVID-19 | Opinion
Newsweek 5 June 2021 by Michael Sobolik (format changed)
For most of the world, the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre recalls familiar yet macabre vignettes of hopeful students and the iron tanks that crushed them, along with their cries for freedom.
In China, however, there is nothing to recall on June 4th because, as far as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is concerned, nothing happened. In his chilling book We Have Been Harmonized: Life in China's Surveillance State, Kai Strittmatter details the pains the CCP has taken to whitewash this day—not just from the history books, but from the minds of the Chinese people:
"You will find entries on Baidu Baike [China's Wikipedia] for the years 1988 and 1990—but 1989 doesn't exist. An entire year has been erased from history."
The party's crusade to rewire the memories of 1.4 billion people has been largely successful. In exchange for thinking the right thoughts and living pacified lives, the CCP has delivered the economic goods. But General Secretary Xi Jinping and his comrades aren't taking any chances, particularly as economic growth slows and the nation's demographic outlook dims. Through incentivized self-censorship and conformity with the help of its social credit system, the party believes it can forestall more "incidents" like Tiananmen Square.
Every so often, though, the facade breaks, and the regime's brutality is exposed.
Tiananmen Square was one such event, but the United States misread the moment. As former National Security Council official Michael Green put it, President George H.W. Bush sought "to show the Chinese leaders and the U.S. Congress that the United States could not continue with business as usual, but in a way intended not to obstruct the core of U.S.-China relations." Under President Bill Clinton, the bilateral relationship quickly got back on track, propelled by a pollyannish hope that increasing wealth would change the Communist Party's soul.
The Trump administration was right to jettison this assumption, and it appears that President Biden agrees. Even so, with notable exceptions, neither Democrats nor Republicans have seemed interested in holding China accountable for its modern-day Tiananmen moment: the COVID-19 pandemic.
In the wake of the viral outbreak, the party's veneer cracked again, and Chinese citizens saw that the CCP was more concerned with political survival than public health.
This agenda led Xi and his comrades to initially focus on containing information instead of the virus. Had it acted expeditiously, China could have reduced its number of early 2020 cases by 95 percent, by some estimates. Instead, officials censored medical professionals and prohibited researchers from publishing anything about COVID-19. The results were disastrous, and an epidemic morphed into a pandemic.
Initially, the Trump administration appeared poised to punish the CCP. In July 2020, then-secretary of state Mike Pompeo warned that "the world will absolutely make [China] pay a price" for the coronavirus. President Donald Trump mused publicly about slapping Beijing with tariffs amounting to a trillion dollars. Meanwhile, senators and representatives drafted legislation that would expose China to U.S. litigation over pandemic damages. Other members suggested waiving interest payments on U.S. debt to Beijing. All told, more than 350 China-specific bills were filed between January and June 2020.
Even so, Washington refrained from taking direct steps to punish Beijing—a hesitancy that has persisted into the Biden administration. In an interview on March 28, Secretary of State Antony Blinken punted when asked whether China should face repercussions: "I think the issue for us is to make sure that we do everything possible to prevent another pandemic." The following week, President Biden brushed off similar inquiries, indicating that he had not spoken with Xi about China's pandemic responsibility.
If, as Blinken says, preventing the next pandemic is a top priority, then America has already failed. The 2002-2004 SARS outbreak, in many ways, foreshadowed COVID-19, especially in the pains the CCP took to conceal the disease, silence medical professionals and punish those who raised concerns. The CCP is hardly a first-time offender.
That's why the president's apparent refusal to even discuss the issue with Xi is so concerning. Biden will presumably have no excuse to avoid the conversation once he receives the intelligence community's report on the origins of COVID-19, slated to be completed by August.
China's leaders have taken great pains to ensure that their own people receive a sanitized version of history in which the CCP emerges heroic and blameless—first on Tiananmen and now on COVID-19.
There's no reason the rest of the world should accept their version of the story.
Michael Sobolik is fellow in Indo-Pacific studies at the American Foreign Policy Council. Follow him on Twitter @michaelsobolik.
CCP please answer the following UN letters sent to you:
Please read our blogs:
Absurdity : 4 June 2021 Tiananmen massacre commemoration cancelled in communist HK
CCP come clean about 1989 June 4 Tiananmen Square massacre
Václav Havel : The Power of the Powerless
When injustice becomes law (part 3): HK's monolithic power structure includes the judiciary
8964 : aspirations of Chinese people yet to be realized
CCP spreads cancerous vengeful hate
Communist HK's illegitimate Legislative Council
HKFP 5 June 2021 'Activists around the world mark 32 years since Tiananmen Massacre as Hong Kong vigil banned'
HKFP 5 June 2021 'Why an empty Victoria Park in Hong Kong on June 4 could be an even more potent symbol of patriotism'
Apple Daily 5 June 2021 '‘Noble’ Tiananmen protesters echoed Hong Kong’s struggle for democracy: America’s top diplomat'
RFA 4 June 2021 'Phones Light up in Hong Kong on Tiananmen Massacre Anniversary'
HKFP 4 June 2021 by Jennifer Creery '‘It’s the same dictatorship’: Veteran activist Lee Cheuk-yan on keeping the flame of the Tiananmen protests alive'
Human Rights Watch 3 June 2021 'China: Account for Tiananmen Massacre'
Apple Daily 31 May 2021 'Between loyalty and memory, Hong Kong officials on edge over decades-old Tiananmen condemnation'
Apple Daily 31 May 2021 'Right to commemoration｜Yan Kei'
Apple Daily 31 May 2021 'Editorial: Never forget June 4 Massacre, my heart will always carry the candlelight ｜Apple Daily Hong Kong
Apple Daily 30 May 2021 'A test of perseverance and wisdom | Johnny Y.S. Lau'
RTHK 30 May 2021 'Zero new infections recorded for third time in May'
HKFP 29 May 2021 'Up to 5 years prison for attending Tiananmen Massacre vigil, Hong Kong gov’t warns – 1 year jail for publicising it'